restaurant ordered the cheaper thing instead of the more delicious; one must never have regarded a policeman as anything but oneâs paid defender against the lower orders, never for a moment have doubted oneâs divine right to do, within the accepted limits, exactly what one liked without a further thought to anything or any one but oneself and oneâs own enjoyment. Gumbril had been brought up among these blessed beings; but he was not one of them. Alas? or fortunately? He hardly knew which.
âAnd what good do you expect the revolution to do, Mr Bojanus?â he asked at last.
Mr Bojanus replaced his hand in his bosom. âNone whatever, Mr Gumbril,â he said. âNone whatever.â
âBut Liberty,â Gumbril suggested, âequality and all that. What about those, Mr Bojanus?â
Mr Bojanus smiled up at him tolerantly and kindly, as he might have smiled at some one who had suggested, shall we say, that evening trousers should be turned up at the bottom. âLiberty, Mr Gumbril?â he said; âyou donât suppose any serious-minded person imagines a revolution is going to bring liberty, do you?â
âThe people who make the revolution always seem to ask for liberty.â
âBut do they ever get it, Mr Gumbril?â Mr Bojanus cocked his head playfully and smiled. âLook at âistory, Mr Gumbril, look at âistory. First itâs the French Revolution. They ask for political liberty. And they gets it. Then comes the Reform Bill, then Forty-Eight, then all the Franchise Acts and Votes for Women â always more and more political liberty. And whatâs the result, Mr Gumbril? Nothing at all. Whoâs freer for political liberty? Not a soul, Mr Gumbril. There was never a greater swindle âatched in the âole of âistory. And when you think âow those poor young men like Shelley talked about it â itâs pathetic,â said Mr Bojanus, shaking his head, âreelly pathetic. Political libertyâs a swindle because a man doesnât spend his time being political. He spends it sleeping, eating, amusing himself a little and working â mostly working. When theyâd got all the political liberty they wanted â or found they didnât want â they began to understand this. And so now itâs all for the industrial revolution, Mr Gumbril. But bless you, thatâs as big a swindle as the other. How can there ever be liberty under any system? No amount of profit-sharing or self-government by the workers, no amount of hyjeenic conditions or cocoa villages or recreation grounds can get rid of the fundamental slavery â the necessity of working. Liberty? why, it doesnât exist! Thereâs no liberty in this world; only gilded caiges. And then, Mr Gumbril, even suppose you could somehow get rid of the necessity of working, suppose a manâs time were all leisure. Would he be free then? I say nothing of the natural slavery of eating and sleeping and all that, Mr Gumbril; I say nothing of that, because that, if I may say so, would be too âair-splitting and metaphysical. But what I do ask you is this,â and Mr Bojanus wagged his forefinger almost menacingly at the sleeping partner in this dialogue: âwould a man with unlimited leisure be free, Mr Gumbril? I say he would not. Not unless he âappened to be a man like you or me, Mr Gumbril, a man of sense, a man of independent judgment. An ordinary man would not be free. Because he wouldnât know how to occupy his leisure except in some way that would be forced on âim by other people. People donât know âow to entertain themselves now; they leave it to other people to do it for them. They swallow whatâs given them. They âave to swallow it, whether they like it or not. Cinemas, newspapers, magazines, gramophones, football matches, wireless, telephones â take them or leave them, if you want to amuse yourself.
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