countenanced in the slightest degree, or that the least assistance should be lent towards forwarding the views or objects of such an institution, but we must be governed by the words of the treaty, which is to be construed as a contract, and we cannot add exceptions or provisions which it does not concede.” 40 Eccles concluded with the point that, according to the Fugitive Slave Law, Digges had not an option, but a legal obligation, to stop Anderson.
Anderson was allowed to read from a prepared statement. He stood slowly and straightened himself. After three months in jail, often chained and with bad food and little exercise, Anderson had lost a considerable amount of weight. He cleared his throat and read carefully from a single sheet of paper. He concluded, “When I made up my mind no man should take me alive I was compelled to do what I did.” 41 With that, Anderson sat and Chief Justice Robinson adjourned with the promise of a decision as quickly as possible.
Canadian newspaper reaction matched particular editorial bents. The
Globe
believed the case had been made for Anderson’s immediate release. In a series of articles and editorials it attacked Macdonald—nothing new for Brown’s paper—for shifting the political decision to the courts. The Conservative
Hamilton Daily Spectator
, on the other hand, attacked Brown and the
Globe
in an editorial that stated: “It is rather too much to accuse him [Macdonald] of being on the side of the slave catchers, and make people believe it, when it must be clear to everyone, that he could have no object of a personal or political nature in straining the law, as he is charged with having done.” 42 On November 15, the
Globe
reprinted an editorial from the
Daily Spectator’s
cross-town rival, the
Hamilton Times
. It bristled with piqued nationalist-imperialist fury,
It is not alone the interests of the poor fugitive which are now involved. The sanctity of the refuge which the British flag has been supposed to provide to the unfortunate, is at stake; the honour and dignity of Canada is assailed; the safety of thousands of industrious, long suffering and loyal subjects of the Empire is threatened. It has come to this, that Canada is to be made the preserve of the slave hunter.… If the poor creature is left friendless and alone to battle with his hungry foes, he is lost and Canada is dishonoured; but if his interests are properly cared for, our glorious heritage—the laws of England—will hold him harmless. 43
The decision was to come on November 29. Extra police were brought to Osgoode Hall and a large crowd mostly of Black men gathered outside. Chief Justice Robinson appeared just long enough to announce that the other two justices needed more time and so the decision would be delayed.
The delay allowed newspapers more time to stir flames of indignation. The
Globe
‘s editorial the next day was scathing. It said that a decision to send Anderson back to the United States would in itself be tantamount to murder: “The universal heart and conscience of the people of Canada and of the British nation will say upon the facts of the case that [Anderson]is not a murderer in the sight of God, or under English law, and therefore, that to surrender him to the bloodthirsty slave catchers of Missouri is to make those who order that surrender guilty of the murder of [Anderson] with all its horrible accompaniments.” 44
The exploding notoriety of the case led a range of Canadian politicians to weigh in. Many new alliances were created and a number of old grudges forgotten. Reformers such as Michael Foley, for instance, who had previously been rather critical of Brown, swept into line behind him and attacked slavery, the Americans that hunted fugitive slaves in Canada, and Macdonald for his apparent support of their efforts. 45
At the same time, Macdonald was being criticized for an embarrassing incident that took place during the Royal tour of Canada by Edward, the Prince of
Anderson was allowed to read from a prepared statement. He stood slowly and straightened himself. After three months in jail, often chained and with bad food and little exercise, Anderson had lost a considerable amount of weight. He cleared his throat and read carefully from a single sheet of paper. He concluded, “When I made up my mind no man should take me alive I was compelled to do what I did.” 41 With that, Anderson sat and Chief Justice Robinson adjourned with the promise of a decision as quickly as possible.
Canadian newspaper reaction matched particular editorial bents. The
Globe
believed the case had been made for Anderson’s immediate release. In a series of articles and editorials it attacked Macdonald—nothing new for Brown’s paper—for shifting the political decision to the courts. The Conservative
Hamilton Daily Spectator
, on the other hand, attacked Brown and the
Globe
in an editorial that stated: “It is rather too much to accuse him [Macdonald] of being on the side of the slave catchers, and make people believe it, when it must be clear to everyone, that he could have no object of a personal or political nature in straining the law, as he is charged with having done.” 42 On November 15, the
Globe
reprinted an editorial from the
Daily Spectator’s
cross-town rival, the
Hamilton Times
. It bristled with piqued nationalist-imperialist fury,
It is not alone the interests of the poor fugitive which are now involved. The sanctity of the refuge which the British flag has been supposed to provide to the unfortunate, is at stake; the honour and dignity of Canada is assailed; the safety of thousands of industrious, long suffering and loyal subjects of the Empire is threatened. It has come to this, that Canada is to be made the preserve of the slave hunter.… If the poor creature is left friendless and alone to battle with his hungry foes, he is lost and Canada is dishonoured; but if his interests are properly cared for, our glorious heritage—the laws of England—will hold him harmless. 43
The decision was to come on November 29. Extra police were brought to Osgoode Hall and a large crowd mostly of Black men gathered outside. Chief Justice Robinson appeared just long enough to announce that the other two justices needed more time and so the decision would be delayed.
The delay allowed newspapers more time to stir flames of indignation. The
Globe
‘s editorial the next day was scathing. It said that a decision to send Anderson back to the United States would in itself be tantamount to murder: “The universal heart and conscience of the people of Canada and of the British nation will say upon the facts of the case that [Anderson]is not a murderer in the sight of God, or under English law, and therefore, that to surrender him to the bloodthirsty slave catchers of Missouri is to make those who order that surrender guilty of the murder of [Anderson] with all its horrible accompaniments.” 44
The exploding notoriety of the case led a range of Canadian politicians to weigh in. Many new alliances were created and a number of old grudges forgotten. Reformers such as Michael Foley, for instance, who had previously been rather critical of Brown, swept into line behind him and attacked slavery, the Americans that hunted fugitive slaves in Canada, and Macdonald for his apparent support of their efforts. 45
At the same time, Macdonald was being criticized for an embarrassing incident that took place during the Royal tour of Canada by Edward, the Prince of
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