re-election campaign. One of the themes was climate change. Schwarzenegger was posing as ‘The Emissions Terminator’, focused on the passage through California’s legislature of his Global Warming Solutions Bill, known locally as AB32. If the bill was approved, California would be the first state in America to compulsorily reduce carbon emissions, encourage solar and wind power and stimulate the production of alternative fuels. Inevitably, the bill met with vocal opposition. To prove he enjoyed the support of business leaders for his green agenda, Schwarzenegger needed a high-profile event to outflank his political opponents and the pro-carbon lobby. ‘If we focus on the leaders, the rest of the world will follow,’ counselled Terry Tamminen, Schwarzenegger’s environmental adviser. Tamminen asked Stephen Howard of the Climate Group for help. The Englishman suggested convening a round table ofchief executives to pledge their support for Schwarzenegger. Branson was on the list.
Tamminen first called John Browne, BP’s chief executive. As the head of the world’s second-largest oil corporation, Browne had successfully rebranded BP in America as Beyond Petroleum, an environmentally friendly energy producer. His success owed much to his relationship with an egregious network of international power brokers, including Tony Blair. The British prime minister agreed to be the guest of honour and endorse Schwarzenegger.
At BP’s expense, a gleaming white tent was erected at the company’s terminal on Long Beach’s dockside, adjacent to a new BP tanker. Among those who arrived for the reception on 31 July 2006 were the chief executives of DuPont, Timberland, Goldman Sachs, Swiss Re and American Electric Power, James Murdoch of News International – who had left his company’s annual gathering at Pebble Beach to support Schwarzenegger – and two hippy billionaires, Sergey Brin, the co-founder of Google, and Branson. Dressed casually, they sat together, casting themselves as ambassadors of the new business chic. ‘Branson arrived obsessed by biofuels,’ observed one of the participants. ‘He spoke of little else.’ As they waited for Tony Blair – delayed on his flight from Washington – an organiser calculated that those gathered around the table managed companies that earned half a trillion dollars a year and employed over 300,000 workers. Two years after paying $1 million to brand a rocket Virgin Galactic, Branson enjoyed a secure seat at the top table.
Amid dust and flying gravel, Blair’s motorcade roared into the compound. The warmth with which the politician greeted Branson was not lost on Schwarzenegger. The closeness of Branson’s relationship with Blair had been witnessed at a reception for the travel industry in Downing Street on 5 April 2000, when Cherie Blair was overheard saying to him, ‘I’ve beentalking to Tony, and we agree that we must do something for you.’ Soon after, the businessman had received a knighthood, and even Schwarzenegger was impressed when he saw ‘Sir Richard Branson’ on the guest list. Following his re-election, the governor noted, Branson’s interests would deserve support. For the moment, though, the stilted conversation inside the marquee served his purpose. The media’s descriptions of Schwarzenegger’s ‘Big Tent’ – including Branson – helped propel AB32 through the legislature and would see Schwarzenegger achieve a 20 per cent lead in the run-up to the election. ‘We’re going to a baseball match,’ Schwarzenegger told Blair at the end of the reception. Both politicians bid Branson a warm farewell.
Now inside the tent, Branson wanted his reward. His competitors and the Californian trade unions were still arguing that Virgin, as a foreign corporation, should be barred from launching Virgin America, despite owning only a minority stake. The solution, he was advised, was to show commitment to America. The combination of Clinton, Schwarzenegger and
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