there.”
“It sounds as if the Taliban are everywhere,” concluded Malko.
Kibzai nodded again, sadly. “Yes. The provinces are falling one after the other. The Americans have evacuated Kunar, in the northeast, and government officials don’t go there anymore. Close to Kabul, the Taliban have taken over Logar Province. Except for the big towns during the day, they control everything. The governor doesn’t dare leave his residence.
“It’s even worse in the south. They completely control Kandahar Province; Helmand, too. You can’t use the Herat-Kandahar-Kabul highway anymore. I’m told they’re infiltrating around Bamyan, cutting the road to the west. The only safe one is the Mazar-e-Sharif highway through the Salang Tunnel, because it’s in Tajik territory.”
“So what keeps the Taliban from coming out into the open and taking power?” asked Malko.
“They lack enough matériel for a direct confrontation with the army and the police,” said Kibzai. “They’ve only got a few mortars, machine guns, grenades, and explosives. But they’re prepared to die.
“President Karzai is smart and very cautious. Plus he’s protected by the Americans. They don’t like him, but they need him. If he were out of the picture—because he’d been killed or left the country—everything would collapse, probably in a few days. The Taliban already have a working underground organization, so they would quickly take over.”
Malko was feeling more and more perplexed. From what Kibzai was saying, the American plan to get rid of Karzai so as to strike a deal with the Taliban was a delusion. Once again, it looked like the Americans were being fooled. Only this time it wasn’t some CIA station chief but the president of the United States.
“So if I understand what you’re saying,” Malko asked, “Karzai’s death would be a victory for the Taliban?”
“They’re going to win in any case,” said Kibzai with a bitter smile. “They’re Pashtuns, and the Pashtuns have always run Afghanistan. Besides, they have Pakistan behind them.
“Anybody who wants to control Afghanistan has to do it through the Quetta Taliban. And the Taliban have developed a more sophisticated approach than when they took power the first time, in 1996. They’ll go slower and won’t be so brutal, so as not to alarm international public opinion. When the last American leaves, they will complete their takeover.”
Malko suddenly found himself wondering if even attempting this mission was a good idea. The problem was, he would have to return to Washington to persuade John Mulligan to change his mind. Communicating through the Kabul CIA station was out of the question.
Kibzai was studying him.
“If you don’t mind my asking,” he said, “what are you doing in Kabul? There are already so many of you CIA people here.”
“I’ve come to make contact with some Taliban who don’t want to be officially connected to the Agency. I’ve already met with Musa Kotak. Do you know him?”
“Who doesn’t?” said the Afghan with a smile. “He’s a very powerful man. He was part of the ruling circle during the ‘black years.’ ”
“How is it that he hasn’t been bothered?”
“He’s one of the people Karzai protects, to keep a channel to Quetta open. Kotak holds a major trump card: he knows everybodywho collaborated with the men in black, and he manipulates them. For a Talib, he is a moderate, like Mullah Mansur, his old mujahideen comrade-in-arms against the Soviets. But his friends keep a close eye on him.”
“Why so?”
“The Taliban hardliners don’t trust him. I’m sure they’ve placed their people in his entourage.”
“What’s the relationship between Kotak and Karzai like?”
“They have regular contacts, to pass messages. And there’s still a chance that if Karzai felt all was lost, he could turn against the Americans and hand the country to the Taliban to save his skin. Afghanistan has already witnessed about-faces
“It sounds as if the Taliban are everywhere,” concluded Malko.
Kibzai nodded again, sadly. “Yes. The provinces are falling one after the other. The Americans have evacuated Kunar, in the northeast, and government officials don’t go there anymore. Close to Kabul, the Taliban have taken over Logar Province. Except for the big towns during the day, they control everything. The governor doesn’t dare leave his residence.
“It’s even worse in the south. They completely control Kandahar Province; Helmand, too. You can’t use the Herat-Kandahar-Kabul highway anymore. I’m told they’re infiltrating around Bamyan, cutting the road to the west. The only safe one is the Mazar-e-Sharif highway through the Salang Tunnel, because it’s in Tajik territory.”
“So what keeps the Taliban from coming out into the open and taking power?” asked Malko.
“They lack enough matériel for a direct confrontation with the army and the police,” said Kibzai. “They’ve only got a few mortars, machine guns, grenades, and explosives. But they’re prepared to die.
“President Karzai is smart and very cautious. Plus he’s protected by the Americans. They don’t like him, but they need him. If he were out of the picture—because he’d been killed or left the country—everything would collapse, probably in a few days. The Taliban already have a working underground organization, so they would quickly take over.”
Malko was feeling more and more perplexed. From what Kibzai was saying, the American plan to get rid of Karzai so as to strike a deal with the Taliban was a delusion. Once again, it looked like the Americans were being fooled. Only this time it wasn’t some CIA station chief but the president of the United States.
“So if I understand what you’re saying,” Malko asked, “Karzai’s death would be a victory for the Taliban?”
“They’re going to win in any case,” said Kibzai with a bitter smile. “They’re Pashtuns, and the Pashtuns have always run Afghanistan. Besides, they have Pakistan behind them.
“Anybody who wants to control Afghanistan has to do it through the Quetta Taliban. And the Taliban have developed a more sophisticated approach than when they took power the first time, in 1996. They’ll go slower and won’t be so brutal, so as not to alarm international public opinion. When the last American leaves, they will complete their takeover.”
Malko suddenly found himself wondering if even attempting this mission was a good idea. The problem was, he would have to return to Washington to persuade John Mulligan to change his mind. Communicating through the Kabul CIA station was out of the question.
Kibzai was studying him.
“If you don’t mind my asking,” he said, “what are you doing in Kabul? There are already so many of you CIA people here.”
“I’ve come to make contact with some Taliban who don’t want to be officially connected to the Agency. I’ve already met with Musa Kotak. Do you know him?”
“Who doesn’t?” said the Afghan with a smile. “He’s a very powerful man. He was part of the ruling circle during the ‘black years.’ ”
“How is it that he hasn’t been bothered?”
“He’s one of the people Karzai protects, to keep a channel to Quetta open. Kotak holds a major trump card: he knows everybodywho collaborated with the men in black, and he manipulates them. For a Talib, he is a moderate, like Mullah Mansur, his old mujahideen comrade-in-arms against the Soviets. But his friends keep a close eye on him.”
“Why so?”
“The Taliban hardliners don’t trust him. I’m sure they’ve placed their people in his entourage.”
“What’s the relationship between Kotak and Karzai like?”
“They have regular contacts, to pass messages. And there’s still a chance that if Karzai felt all was lost, he could turn against the Americans and hand the country to the Taliban to save his skin. Afghanistan has already witnessed about-faces
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