physical aggression or illegal acts. The authors contended that Dr. Hare’s checklist warps that concept by overemphasizing criminal behavior. Their article reflects the growing consensus that sociopathy does not equate to criminality. Nor has Hare defended why each trait on the checklist is scored exactly the same. It’s not immediately obvious why a trait like lack of empathy should earn exactly as many points as something seemingly less significant like superficial charm. There is also the question of what defines this (orany) personality disorder, a person’s actions or her interior motivations. While a case history of bad decision-making is easy to evaluate, it’s harder to truly understand another person’s modes of thought.
There are significant differences of opinion among academics and clinicians about whether psychopathy and sociopathy are diagnosable conditions at all. The good folks at the American Psychiatric Association who put together the
DSM
have decided to exclude both terms, despite movements by researchers for revisions in favor of antisocial personality disorder, or ASPD, a diagnosis based on observed behavioral patterns. The World Health Organization’s
International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems
describes a similar diagnosis it calls dissocial personality disorder but also does not include sociopathy. ASPD and sociopathy do not share all of the same characteristics; ASPD focuses primarily on the criminality of behavior, rather than the internal thought processes of a sociopath, since thought processes are difficult to ascertain, particularly with unwilling, institutionalized subjects. For instance, although I consider myself a high-functioning sociopath because of my weak sense of empathy, my failure to conform to social norms, and my predilection to manipulate others, I could not be legitimately diagnosed with ASPD.
Further confusing the diagnostic problem of sociopathy is the overlap in behavioral characteristics between sociopathy and other personality disorders such as narcissism, like enhanced self-regard and diminished empathy, as well as some social developmental disorders like Asperger’s that are also seen on the autism spectrum.
In his book
Forensic Psychology: A Very Short Introduction
, David Canter, a psychology professor at the Universityof Huddersfield, warns that “we should not be seduced into thinking that these diagnoses are anything other than summary descriptions of the people in question” and echoes the concern that they are “actually moral judgments masquerading as medical explanations.” The first line in the preface of Robert Hare’s book reads: “Psychopaths are social predators who charm, manipulate, and ruthlessly plow their way through life, leaving a road trail of broken hearts, shattered expectations, and empty wallets.” So you can imagine what side of the fence he’s on. Still, these diagnoses are being used, and important decisions like whether or not to deny someone parole are made primarily on the basis of them.
Unlike the problematic definitions of psychological diagnoses, neuroscience may offer some more clarity. Recent brain scan research and other studies suggest a link between these characteristics and something more “definitive” and unique about a sociopath’s brain. But it would be a mistake to conflate the list of characteristics of a sociopath with the definition of
sociopath
, just as it would be a mistake to assume that all Catholics would share the exact same traits—or that having a certain list of traits is what makes people Catholic. The diagnosis of sociopathy is useful, but only to the extent that people understand its limitations. The main limitation is that we cannot identify it by its root source; we know it only by its symptoms and characteristics. This is somewhat disappointing to people. It would be easy to think that I am bad because I was treated badly or raised badly, that I grew
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