Publishers, 1993), pp. 133. On recent attempts to organize on behalf of better conditions for adjuncts and temporaries, see, “Faculty Unions Move to Organize Growing Ranks of Part-Time Professors,”
Chronicle of Higher Education
, February 27, 1998, A12–13.
53. Clark Kerr,
The Uses of the University
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963, 1982), p. 95.
54. The term “urban glamour zone” belongs to Saskia Sassen, who, more than any current urbanist, has stressed the formation of these two groups (the new immigrants and the new international elite) as they relate to one another. See her
Globalization and Its Discontents
(New York: The New Press, 1998), especially pp. xix–xxxvi. There is a huge literature on the informal economy, but on its spread and significance recently, in New York, see Louis Winnick,
New People in Old Neighborhoods
(New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1990), pp. 123–71; and Peter Kwong,
The New Chinatown
(New York: Hill and Wang, 1997, rev. ed.), esp. chap. 10, “Unwelcome Newcomers: Chinatown in the 1990s,” pp. 174–205; and Roger Sanjek,
The Future of Us All: Race and Neighborhood Politics in New York
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), especially chapter 6, pp. 119–40.
55.
New York Post
, March 6, 1995, 2. In 1992, moreover, Governor Mario Cuomo’s office published a handbook for immigrants, titled
Getting Started
, which includes an introduction by the governor (New York State, Office of the Governor, 1992). The handbook explained to “undocumented aliens” how they might get access to public housing, to schools and higher education, and to jobs; and it provided extensive information on how to protest discrimination.
On decriminalizing the informal economy, see the 1994 testimony on New York City’s labor markets before the U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform by Emmanuel Tobier, professor at the Robert F. Wagner School of Public Service at NYU and a prominent city government adviser; Tobier told the commission that because “the workplace [is] changing tremendously,” “you really have to decriminalize the underground economy” (November 3, 1994, typescript, p. 114). Another important shaper of New York City’s policy has been the Regional Planning Association, which advised, in its third regional plan, that New York City “legalize activities that do not threaten health and safety; such as small, home-based businesses in areas zoned for residential use”; see Tony Hiss,
Region at Risk
(Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1996), p. 192.
56. Kwong,
The New Chinatown
, p. 190.
57. On the implications of such cycles for place (or locality), seeArjun Appadurai,
Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 193. For an upbeat version of the pattern itself, see Winnick,
New People in Old Neighborhoods
, pp. 123–91.
58. “Home Run Athletes Build Mansions,”
WSJ
, December 20, 1996, B14.
59. Drawbacks, of course, have always existed for this kind of temporary housing, never more so than today; such recyclable houses demand that owners
not
decorate, rebuild, or modify to suit their special tastes. As relocation consultant Tom Peiffer recently noted, “building [or occupying] a house too closely tailored to your personality or needs could make for a difficult sale, especially if it is out of sync with the rest of the neighborhoods.” See “Executive Relocations—and Hassles—Increase,”
WSJ
, April 5, 1996, B10.
60. “The Lure of Planned Suburbs,”
WSJ
, October 7, 1998, p. B1.
61. “Young Americans Triumph in Paris,”
NYT
, January 23, 1997, C1.
62. On “over-building blues,” see
WSJ
, May 14, 1998, A2; on expansion of “extended stay hotels” and “temporary home hotels” over the past six years, see “Building a Brand,”
Hotel and Motel Management
, April 20, 1998.
63. Limited-service budget hotels/motels have been the “fastest-growing sector of the lodging industry with
Chronicle of Higher Education
, February 27, 1998, A12–13.
53. Clark Kerr,
The Uses of the University
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963, 1982), p. 95.
54. The term “urban glamour zone” belongs to Saskia Sassen, who, more than any current urbanist, has stressed the formation of these two groups (the new immigrants and the new international elite) as they relate to one another. See her
Globalization and Its Discontents
(New York: The New Press, 1998), especially pp. xix–xxxvi. There is a huge literature on the informal economy, but on its spread and significance recently, in New York, see Louis Winnick,
New People in Old Neighborhoods
(New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1990), pp. 123–71; and Peter Kwong,
The New Chinatown
(New York: Hill and Wang, 1997, rev. ed.), esp. chap. 10, “Unwelcome Newcomers: Chinatown in the 1990s,” pp. 174–205; and Roger Sanjek,
The Future of Us All: Race and Neighborhood Politics in New York
(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1998), especially chapter 6, pp. 119–40.
55.
New York Post
, March 6, 1995, 2. In 1992, moreover, Governor Mario Cuomo’s office published a handbook for immigrants, titled
Getting Started
, which includes an introduction by the governor (New York State, Office of the Governor, 1992). The handbook explained to “undocumented aliens” how they might get access to public housing, to schools and higher education, and to jobs; and it provided extensive information on how to protest discrimination.
On decriminalizing the informal economy, see the 1994 testimony on New York City’s labor markets before the U.S. Commission on Immigration Reform by Emmanuel Tobier, professor at the Robert F. Wagner School of Public Service at NYU and a prominent city government adviser; Tobier told the commission that because “the workplace [is] changing tremendously,” “you really have to decriminalize the underground economy” (November 3, 1994, typescript, p. 114). Another important shaper of New York City’s policy has been the Regional Planning Association, which advised, in its third regional plan, that New York City “legalize activities that do not threaten health and safety; such as small, home-based businesses in areas zoned for residential use”; see Tony Hiss,
Region at Risk
(Washington, D.C.: Island Press, 1996), p. 192.
56. Kwong,
The New Chinatown
, p. 190.
57. On the implications of such cycles for place (or locality), seeArjun Appadurai,
Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 193. For an upbeat version of the pattern itself, see Winnick,
New People in Old Neighborhoods
, pp. 123–91.
58. “Home Run Athletes Build Mansions,”
WSJ
, December 20, 1996, B14.
59. Drawbacks, of course, have always existed for this kind of temporary housing, never more so than today; such recyclable houses demand that owners
not
decorate, rebuild, or modify to suit their special tastes. As relocation consultant Tom Peiffer recently noted, “building [or occupying] a house too closely tailored to your personality or needs could make for a difficult sale, especially if it is out of sync with the rest of the neighborhoods.” See “Executive Relocations—and Hassles—Increase,”
WSJ
, April 5, 1996, B10.
60. “The Lure of Planned Suburbs,”
WSJ
, October 7, 1998, p. B1.
61. “Young Americans Triumph in Paris,”
NYT
, January 23, 1997, C1.
62. On “over-building blues,” see
WSJ
, May 14, 1998, A2; on expansion of “extended stay hotels” and “temporary home hotels” over the past six years, see “Building a Brand,”
Hotel and Motel Management
, April 20, 1998.
63. Limited-service budget hotels/motels have been the “fastest-growing sector of the lodging industry with
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