Dollars and Sex

Dollars and Sex by Marina Adshade Page A

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Authors: Marina Adshade
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hot ” on the Rate My Professor website are paid more than those who are not. Interestingly, this hotness premium only appears once men are beyond the middle of their career; there is no hotness wage premium for young male professors. This suggests that this “ beauty ” premium is not paid for what we traditionally think of as hotness, but rather other qualities like confidence, assertiveness, and creativity.
    Female professors, regardless of where they are in their career, are paid no more or less for being attractive—apparently students don ’ t rate their 50-year-old female professors as “ hot ” because she is confident or assertive.
    Academics is a profession in which physical appearance matters little and exuding sexuality, particularly for a woman, can actually undermine a career. Female professorsoften have to strive to find a balance between looking presentable and not looking like too much effort has been made on their appearance.
    Research by social psychologists Stefanie Johnson, Kenneth Podratz, Robert Dipboye, and Ellie Gibbons backs up this assertion. They find that attractive women are considered unsuitable employees in occupations that are considered masculine and in which appearance is unimportant. The study finds no negative effect for men; attractive men are always perceived to be more suitable for jobs, including the ones that are considered to be feminine.
    If students judge a more attractive woman as less suitable to be a professor, then women who are rated as being “ hot ” have more to worry about than their students ’ daydreaming. Given how important student evaluations are to promotion in universities, they should be worried about their jobs.
    In order for an increase in drink prices to reduce risky sexual behavior, all of the following must be true:
    1 The sexual behavior of some people is riskier when they have been drinking.
    2 Higher drink prices cause some people to drink less.
    3 Those same people who drink less when prices increase are the same people who engage in alcohol-induced risky sex.
    The first point we have already established: as far as students are concerned, it appears that drinking increases not only promiscuity but also sex without a condom and unplanned pregnancies. (I haven’t forgotten about disease, by the way; we will get to that shortly.)
    The second point requires an economic interpretation. If people reduce their alcohol consumption when prices go up, then economists would say demand for alcohol is price elastic . Not everyone’s demand for alcohol is price elastic though. For example, people with a high income probably don’t change their consumption just because drinks are a buck more than they had been in the past. Elasticity not only depends upon income but also on the alternatives drinkers have to buying drinks in the bars, and in this case there is an almost perfect substitute to drinking in a bar—to go to the store, buy some cheaper alcohol, and load up on cheap drinks at home before heading out for the night.
    If students have enough income so that they don’t really care about the price of a bar drink or if they simply substitute the cheaper alternative of drinking at home, an increase in the price of bar drinks won’t decrease drunkenness. And if an increase in drink prices doesn’t decrease drunkenness, then there is no reason to expect that the same increase will decrease rowdiness or risky sex.
    The final point is that the same people who reduce their alcohol consumption would need to be the same ones engaging in risky sex. As I have already said, my students certainly believe that they are getting more action than anyone else. Regardless of whether or not that is true, students, particularly those on campuses with a high female-to-male ratio, are having sex.
    So the real questions are: do students drink less when prices are higher and how does their change in alcohol consumption affect

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