people who share it. Three people already share this one.â
âThatâs it, Iâm out of here,â I announced and pushed myself upright.
âTell him,â a warm voice spoke behind me. I turned in my chair to see C. C. Monroeâs radiant smile. She stood with her back against the closed door, wearing an oversized black-and-cream sweater with a roll neck and padded shoulders. Her skirt was black and pleated; it swished when she moved toward me. I liked it a lot. When a reporter asked C. C. early in her career why she didnât wear the traditional navy blue suit of Minnesota politicians, she answered, âI wasnât aware I was supposed to. I didnât take political science in college.â
âI am not convinced it would be prudent to tell him anything just yet,â Marion Senske said.
âHeâs here to help,â C. C. replied. âYou are here to help arenât you, Mr. â¦â
âHolland Taylor,â I said, extending my hand. She shook it without hesitation. âIt is a great pleasure to meet you,â I told her. Iâm always gracious to prospective clients; itâs only after they hire me that I become surly.
âI am Carol Catherine Monroe,â she said, proud of the fact. âPlease sit, Holland.â
I sat.
âWe could use your help and if you give me your word that nothing you hear will go beyond these walls, I will tell you why.â
âYou have my word,â I told her.
âOh God,â Marion moaned from behind the desk.
Carol Catherine Monroe had been going nowhere fast until the day Terrance Friedlander was killed. She told me so herself, told me frankly while sitting across from me, our knees occasionally touching.
âThe truth is, I didnât have a snowballâs chance in hell of beating Friedlander,â she confessed.
Friedlander was much loved in his district. The kids who played on his bantam hockey team called him âMr. Terry.â To everyone else he was just plain âTerry.â He had won seven consecutive elections to the House by increasingly larger margins and it was said that whoever ran against him was a damn fool. Well, C. C. Monroe was not a damn fool. But she was bored silly shuffling papers for the DOT. She had been doing it for two years, since passing the bar. So she volunteered to oppose Friedlander, hoping that after the election the political contacts sheâd make would help her move out of the Department of Transportation and into a more meaningful office, like the Pollution Control Agency or attorney generalâs office. Since no other candidates were forthcoming, the party leaders shook her hand, patted her head, whispered âGood luck,â and got the hell out of there.
Then Friedlander was killed.
C. C. had not really wanted to go to the House of Representatives, had had no idea what she would do when she got there. Yet once she arrived she discovered, or so she said, âthere was so much to be done, so much that I could do. I think it was good that I wasnât a real politician, that I wasnât beholden to special interests. I could see the possibilities.â
She had also seen that she needed help. So C. C. enlisted the aid of Marion Senske, a private-practice attorney well known for her feminist activities who had lectured C. C.âs law class years before. Under Marionâs tutelage, C. C. soon became a star of the local womenâs movement, preaching Marionâs doctrine that âWomen are not to be dismissed or taken lightly anymore. They have power. They can make an impact.â
C. C. was outspoken and she was quotable, although the words were nearly always Marionâs. Plus, she had great legs; her obvious sex appeal always guaranteed a larger share for the TV news programs and talk shows she appeared on. So that particular year, when the governor, who was running for reelection, and the mayor of St. Paul, who was trying to
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