though the Tories dislike our Union. I would think he would use such events as the Reverend Mr. Campbell’s decease to embarrass the government, rather than to help you. Even to bring down the government and lead his own party to power.”
Mr. Adams nodded, and the street passed into a shadow between gaslamps. “I keep the possibility in mind. At the moment, however, Mr. Disraeli and the Earl of Derby don’t want the obligation to form a government thrust upon them.”
He glanced out at the darkened world, then turned his face back to me. “These are parlous times, and not only for Washington, Major Jones. London faces crises from the affair with the Taepings to the Tennessee River. India obsesses all parties in the wake of the Mutiny—I believe one of the reasons they’ve gone lukewarm on the anti-slavery issue is their experience of massacre at brown hands in Delhi and Oude. Nor are theFrench proving the most suitable allies. Louis Napoleon’s activities, from Italy to Mexico, leave Her Majesty’s Government a bit breathless. The Sublime Porte is misbehaving again, and the Turks appear feeble. The Russian fleet has become newly adventurous, despite the Crimean decision, while British observation of our own operations has convinced them the Royal Navy is less than prepared for the demands of modern warfare—and Mr. Disraeli has made a career of paring down naval expenditures, which is hardly fortuitous, under the circumstances. No, the opposition is content to let Lord Palmerston be the first to embarrass himself.” Our Minister’s lips thinned to the apprehension of a smile. “Should the embarrassment prove great enough to break the present coalition, they might step into office as the saviors of the situation. Otherwise, they’ll wait for calmer waters.” He cocked his head to see me better. Or, perhaps, to see beyond me. “Politics isn’t only about grasping power. It’s about grasping power at the right time.”
“It seems an awfully deceitful world, British politics does,” I said.
Mr. Adams gave a brief snort. “Our own politics are no better,” he said, with unmistakable bitterness.
He was already a disappointed man, although I did not know it then, and this mortal life would disappoint him further. Despite his professional dissemblings, which must have been difficult for him, he was as erect a man as ever I knew. But I must not go too swiftly, or leap ahead, so let that bide.
“Mr. Adams, sir?”
He turned his eyes back toward me as we bounced over broken pavement.
“You did not introduce me around to be sociable, did you, sir? Especially not to the likes of that Mr. Lindsay. Nor did you take me to meet Mr. Disraeli because you wanted me to listen to him. Meaning no disrespect, sir, and all on the contrary, it seems to me there was a purpose in your doings.”
He had been caught off-guard again and his eyes narrowed. Mr. Adams was a man accustomed to surprising others, andsuch are not fond of being surprised themselves. But I wanted him to know that I saw what I saw, and that I understood and valued his efforts.
“It seems to me,” I continued, “that if a fellow who has made the acquaintance of members of Parliament, and of such high men as Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone both, well, if such a one was to be murdered, say, there would be more of an explanation wanted than at the death of a parson gone among the poor, or at the loss of anonymous agents. Such a murder would be a greater embarrassment to the English than even to you, sir, since the victim was recently paraded in the very halls of Parliament. They would not see such a murder as in their interests, they would not. And you knew that the Rebels and their supporters would learn of my arrival, so you made it all public and turned the knowledge against them. You have wrapped me in invisible armor, and cleverly done, it was. If you will forgive the saying so.”
Our Minister bore down upon me then, though his voice grew no
Mr. Adams nodded, and the street passed into a shadow between gaslamps. “I keep the possibility in mind. At the moment, however, Mr. Disraeli and the Earl of Derby don’t want the obligation to form a government thrust upon them.”
He glanced out at the darkened world, then turned his face back to me. “These are parlous times, and not only for Washington, Major Jones. London faces crises from the affair with the Taepings to the Tennessee River. India obsesses all parties in the wake of the Mutiny—I believe one of the reasons they’ve gone lukewarm on the anti-slavery issue is their experience of massacre at brown hands in Delhi and Oude. Nor are theFrench proving the most suitable allies. Louis Napoleon’s activities, from Italy to Mexico, leave Her Majesty’s Government a bit breathless. The Sublime Porte is misbehaving again, and the Turks appear feeble. The Russian fleet has become newly adventurous, despite the Crimean decision, while British observation of our own operations has convinced them the Royal Navy is less than prepared for the demands of modern warfare—and Mr. Disraeli has made a career of paring down naval expenditures, which is hardly fortuitous, under the circumstances. No, the opposition is content to let Lord Palmerston be the first to embarrass himself.” Our Minister’s lips thinned to the apprehension of a smile. “Should the embarrassment prove great enough to break the present coalition, they might step into office as the saviors of the situation. Otherwise, they’ll wait for calmer waters.” He cocked his head to see me better. Or, perhaps, to see beyond me. “Politics isn’t only about grasping power. It’s about grasping power at the right time.”
“It seems an awfully deceitful world, British politics does,” I said.
Mr. Adams gave a brief snort. “Our own politics are no better,” he said, with unmistakable bitterness.
He was already a disappointed man, although I did not know it then, and this mortal life would disappoint him further. Despite his professional dissemblings, which must have been difficult for him, he was as erect a man as ever I knew. But I must not go too swiftly, or leap ahead, so let that bide.
“Mr. Adams, sir?”
He turned his eyes back toward me as we bounced over broken pavement.
“You did not introduce me around to be sociable, did you, sir? Especially not to the likes of that Mr. Lindsay. Nor did you take me to meet Mr. Disraeli because you wanted me to listen to him. Meaning no disrespect, sir, and all on the contrary, it seems to me there was a purpose in your doings.”
He had been caught off-guard again and his eyes narrowed. Mr. Adams was a man accustomed to surprising others, andsuch are not fond of being surprised themselves. But I wanted him to know that I saw what I saw, and that I understood and valued his efforts.
“It seems to me,” I continued, “that if a fellow who has made the acquaintance of members of Parliament, and of such high men as Mr. Disraeli and Mr. Gladstone both, well, if such a one was to be murdered, say, there would be more of an explanation wanted than at the death of a parson gone among the poor, or at the loss of anonymous agents. Such a murder would be a greater embarrassment to the English than even to you, sir, since the victim was recently paraded in the very halls of Parliament. They would not see such a murder as in their interests, they would not. And you knew that the Rebels and their supporters would learn of my arrival, so you made it all public and turned the knowledge against them. You have wrapped me in invisible armor, and cleverly done, it was. If you will forgive the saying so.”
Our Minister bore down upon me then, though his voice grew no
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