1328, when he staged his rebellion against Isabella – made the same important point: that once Edward II had been transferred to Berkeley, both before and after his death,
no one
was allowed to see him. Certainly none of his kith and kin, be it his half-brothers or the great magnates of the land.
By January 1328 Isabella and Mortimer were able to relax. Edward II had not emerged: a royal death had been announced and a royal funeral had taken place. The real threat to their regime had been removed. Isabella was now free to act the genuinely sorrowful widow. No Pope, magnate or bishop could declare, or even hint, that perhaps it was time she left Mortimer and rejoined her husband. All the evidenceindicates that at least for a while their plan worked. No objections were raised, no protest voiced until 1328 when Edmund, Earl of Kent began to voice growing suspicions.
Kent had been executed for his conspiracy to free Edward II from Corfe Castle in March 1330. This was the end of a search which had begun in 1328, when Henry of Lancaster had despatched a letter to the mayor and citizens of London, saying he had certain news from Kent but dared not communicate it in writing. Kent then went to Avignon to visit Pope John XXII in the autumn of 1329 where he informed John XXII of his suspicions that his half-brother was still alive and that he intended to free him. According to Kent, Pope John XXII gave him his blessing and promised moral and financial support. Naturally, when the conspiracy failed and the Earl was executed, Pope John XXII publicly rejected his story – but did so in a highly ironic manner.
Kent had been a leading magnate of the country. Stories about devil-raising friars aside, why did this important noble believe that his half-brother was alive? What proof did he possess? Isabella rejected his conspiracy, pointing out that Kent, like others, had attended the funeral but, as Pope John XXII replied, all Kent saw was a coffin, not what it contained. True, it would be easy to depict Kent, not noted for his constancy, as being prompted by guilt, remorse, even hatred towards Isabella and Mortimer but he did not act alone. His conspiracy included remnants of the de Spencer faction but also two leading churchmen, William Melton, Archbishop of York, and Stephen Gravesend, Bishop of London. Both these prelates were a cut above the court bishops of Isabella and Mortimer; they were saintly men, dedicated to their dioceses. Melton, in particular, had triedto defend his flock from the depredations of the Scots and was generous in lending money, without interest and with little expectation of repayment, to those in need. At the same time they were politicians, astute men, responsible for the management of far-flung dioceses, with more than a finger on the political pulse. Both these bishops supported the Earl of Kent. Melton even furnished the conspiracy with the stupendous sum of
£
5000 and sent one of his leading clerks, Taunton, to accompany Kent on his mission to Avignon. Melton and Gravesend would not have been convinced, or pleased, by stories about devils appearing to friars. Kent, therefore, must have had more precise details in order to elicit their support.
The
Brut Chronicle,
extremely well informed on this matter, published the letter Kent allegedly wrote to his brother who, he thought, was hiding in Corfe. It reads as follows:
Sir knight, worshipful and dear brother, if it pleases you, I pray heartily that ye be of good comfort. For I shall so ordain for you that you soon shall come out of prison and be well delivered of the distress that you be in. And understand, your great worship, that I have assisting me all the great lords of England with their force that is to say, with armour, with treasure, and without number they will maintain and help your quarrel so that you shall soon be King again as you were before. And this they have all sworn to me upon a book, prelates as well as earls and barons. 3
This letter
no one
was allowed to see him. Certainly none of his kith and kin, be it his half-brothers or the great magnates of the land.
By January 1328 Isabella and Mortimer were able to relax. Edward II had not emerged: a royal death had been announced and a royal funeral had taken place. The real threat to their regime had been removed. Isabella was now free to act the genuinely sorrowful widow. No Pope, magnate or bishop could declare, or even hint, that perhaps it was time she left Mortimer and rejoined her husband. All the evidenceindicates that at least for a while their plan worked. No objections were raised, no protest voiced until 1328 when Edmund, Earl of Kent began to voice growing suspicions.
Kent had been executed for his conspiracy to free Edward II from Corfe Castle in March 1330. This was the end of a search which had begun in 1328, when Henry of Lancaster had despatched a letter to the mayor and citizens of London, saying he had certain news from Kent but dared not communicate it in writing. Kent then went to Avignon to visit Pope John XXII in the autumn of 1329 where he informed John XXII of his suspicions that his half-brother was still alive and that he intended to free him. According to Kent, Pope John XXII gave him his blessing and promised moral and financial support. Naturally, when the conspiracy failed and the Earl was executed, Pope John XXII publicly rejected his story – but did so in a highly ironic manner.
Kent had been a leading magnate of the country. Stories about devil-raising friars aside, why did this important noble believe that his half-brother was alive? What proof did he possess? Isabella rejected his conspiracy, pointing out that Kent, like others, had attended the funeral but, as Pope John XXII replied, all Kent saw was a coffin, not what it contained. True, it would be easy to depict Kent, not noted for his constancy, as being prompted by guilt, remorse, even hatred towards Isabella and Mortimer but he did not act alone. His conspiracy included remnants of the de Spencer faction but also two leading churchmen, William Melton, Archbishop of York, and Stephen Gravesend, Bishop of London. Both these prelates were a cut above the court bishops of Isabella and Mortimer; they were saintly men, dedicated to their dioceses. Melton, in particular, had triedto defend his flock from the depredations of the Scots and was generous in lending money, without interest and with little expectation of repayment, to those in need. At the same time they were politicians, astute men, responsible for the management of far-flung dioceses, with more than a finger on the political pulse. Both these bishops supported the Earl of Kent. Melton even furnished the conspiracy with the stupendous sum of
£
5000 and sent one of his leading clerks, Taunton, to accompany Kent on his mission to Avignon. Melton and Gravesend would not have been convinced, or pleased, by stories about devils appearing to friars. Kent, therefore, must have had more precise details in order to elicit their support.
The
Brut Chronicle,
extremely well informed on this matter, published the letter Kent allegedly wrote to his brother who, he thought, was hiding in Corfe. It reads as follows:
Sir knight, worshipful and dear brother, if it pleases you, I pray heartily that ye be of good comfort. For I shall so ordain for you that you soon shall come out of prison and be well delivered of the distress that you be in. And understand, your great worship, that I have assisting me all the great lords of England with their force that is to say, with armour, with treasure, and without number they will maintain and help your quarrel so that you shall soon be King again as you were before. And this they have all sworn to me upon a book, prelates as well as earls and barons. 3
This letter
Similar Books
