ethnic nationalist demands for increased autonomy. When the talks broke down in November, students and others staged demonstrations. The universities were closed, and a number of students were arrested and sent to a penal colony on Coco Island. 5 When the universities reopened a year later, a new system was introduced. One of the most significant changes was that teachers were made more responsible for the conduct of the students. The regime hoped to use the teachers as their eyes and ears to reduce the likelihood of more protests.
In the meantime, independent associations also started to come under pressure. Even library clubs, such as Pyone Cho’s in Rangoon, were forced to shut down. Pyone Cho and his university friends had established their library club in Pyone Cho’s father’s garage on 141st Street shortly beforethe coup. The club had begun by having its members sweep the street and clear the drains every weekend. Members took turns volunteering for night shifts to watch out for fire, a frequent problem in those days. When people in the neighbourhood saw that the club was working for the good of the community, they began giving monthly contributions. The club boasted over one hundred members and rented out all kinds of books, including the anti-government poetry books and other literature written in commemoration of the 7 July killings. The club also staged citywide essay-writing competitions, sending announcements to all the schools and publicizing the winning essays in newspapers.
With police permission, the club held public lectures on big stages in the streets. People from all over Rangoon would come to listen. The club was so popular that many debate teams and writers’ clubs wanted to join, so they were taken on as affiliate members. Gradually, though, it became more difficult to acquire permits for public talks. When the library club committee decided to hold a debate between several famous writers at Gandhi Hall, with the provocative title ‘Man is worse than a dog’, they were originally denied permission by the police. The permit was granted only when a higher-ranking military officer overruled the police chief, thinking the club was planning to attack the deposed prime minister U Nu. Instead, the speakers discussed the dangers of military rule. Not long after, the regime announced that private associations had to register with the government or close down. After a visit from a government official in which they were told their club did not meet the new regulations, Pyone Cho and his friends had to shut the library and stop their activities.
As the Revolutionary Council expanded its control, most independent associations and newspapers were either absorbed by the government or forced out of existence. All publications had to pass through a newly formed censorship board. Private schools were nationalized, and a government-controlled Burmese-language curriculum was imposed throughout the country. Meanwhile most foreign missionaries, scholars and Western foundations were forced to leave and foreigners’ access to Burma was tightly restricted.
Independent trade unions were outlawed, and existing political parties were also compelled to disband, with the only legal political party being the government’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). Originally, membership in the BSPP was restricted to the military and the administration; the regime later expanded membership, however, and established other mass organizations under state control. As time went on, people’s avenues for participation in civic life were increasingly limited, althoughcitizens were welcome to join regime-sponsored organizations which were primarily dedicated to maintaining military rule. In these associations, there was little room for personal initiative or creative thought. The regime was looking for passive supporters, not freethinkers. This was the beginning of the constriction of civil society in Burma for many years to
In the meantime, independent associations also started to come under pressure. Even library clubs, such as Pyone Cho’s in Rangoon, were forced to shut down. Pyone Cho and his university friends had established their library club in Pyone Cho’s father’s garage on 141st Street shortly beforethe coup. The club had begun by having its members sweep the street and clear the drains every weekend. Members took turns volunteering for night shifts to watch out for fire, a frequent problem in those days. When people in the neighbourhood saw that the club was working for the good of the community, they began giving monthly contributions. The club boasted over one hundred members and rented out all kinds of books, including the anti-government poetry books and other literature written in commemoration of the 7 July killings. The club also staged citywide essay-writing competitions, sending announcements to all the schools and publicizing the winning essays in newspapers.
With police permission, the club held public lectures on big stages in the streets. People from all over Rangoon would come to listen. The club was so popular that many debate teams and writers’ clubs wanted to join, so they were taken on as affiliate members. Gradually, though, it became more difficult to acquire permits for public talks. When the library club committee decided to hold a debate between several famous writers at Gandhi Hall, with the provocative title ‘Man is worse than a dog’, they were originally denied permission by the police. The permit was granted only when a higher-ranking military officer overruled the police chief, thinking the club was planning to attack the deposed prime minister U Nu. Instead, the speakers discussed the dangers of military rule. Not long after, the regime announced that private associations had to register with the government or close down. After a visit from a government official in which they were told their club did not meet the new regulations, Pyone Cho and his friends had to shut the library and stop their activities.
As the Revolutionary Council expanded its control, most independent associations and newspapers were either absorbed by the government or forced out of existence. All publications had to pass through a newly formed censorship board. Private schools were nationalized, and a government-controlled Burmese-language curriculum was imposed throughout the country. Meanwhile most foreign missionaries, scholars and Western foundations were forced to leave and foreigners’ access to Burma was tightly restricted.
Independent trade unions were outlawed, and existing political parties were also compelled to disband, with the only legal political party being the government’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP). Originally, membership in the BSPP was restricted to the military and the administration; the regime later expanded membership, however, and established other mass organizations under state control. As time went on, people’s avenues for participation in civic life were increasingly limited, althoughcitizens were welcome to join regime-sponsored organizations which were primarily dedicated to maintaining military rule. In these associations, there was little room for personal initiative or creative thought. The regime was looking for passive supporters, not freethinkers. This was the beginning of the constriction of civil society in Burma for many years to
Similar Books
