Such a relationship is important
because her brother remains her protector (sanad, izwe) for the rest
of her life. As we noted earlier, a bride's position in the extended
family of her husband is one of relative weakness at first, but if
she comes into her new situation with a strong and supportive set of
brothers behind her, she can in fact enjoy a certain sense of power.
A bride with no brothers is pitied; she is considered to be "cut
off" (maqtua), with no one to stand up for her in time of need.
Despite
the potential for harmony between brother and sister, however,
conflict is possible in several areas. The most important of these
concerns the issue of sexual honor, as we see clearly in Tale 42,
where the sister must run away from her brothers in order to save her
life. Sexual honor is also addressed in Tale 8, although obliquely,
as we explain in the footnotes. A brother is bound to protect his
sister's sexual honor, and she in turn can ruin her own reputation
and that of her family through indiscreet behavior. Another possible
area of conflict involves inheritance. Although entitled by Islamic
law (saria) to half what a man inherits, women usually forgo this
right in favor of their brothers. If she marries, the sister will
share in her husband's wealth - or poverty (Tale 43); and if she
remains single, her father or brothers will provide for her. A
sister, however, can pose a threat to her brothers by demanding her
share of the inheritance, thereby, if she is married, transferring
family property to others who may be enemies. (Although it is not
attested in the tales, the issue of inheritance is socially very
significant, for it constitutes yet another way - economics - in
which women are turned into the Other.) A third source of conflict
might lie in a hostile relationship between a sister and her
brother's wife, as in Tale 31; yet regardless of how much tension
exists between the two women, a sister will never break her
relationship with her brother, even if he wrongs her (Tales 8, 31,
42).
Because
the wives of brothers (salafat) may come from different extended
families, and possibly from divergent social backgrounds, their
mutual relationships form a potentially great source of conflict,
both for themselves and for those around them. In this respect the
relationship resembles that of co-wives; and indeed, the two sets are
structurally similar. Because Levirate marriage is practiced in
Palestine, salafat can become co-wives. Furthermore, because marriage
to a man is also marriage into a family, all the brothers' wives come
into the same family from the outside, and each must find her own
place in it, competing for the favor and attention of all her
in-laws. A clever woman (malune) who gets along well with her
husband's family (daramha - literally, "her uncle's
household"), like the heroine of Tale 15, is much admired in the
society.
The
causes for jealousy and hostility among salafat are many. Work
distribution becomes a source of friction when one of the wives is
perceived to be doing less than her fair share. Even a pregnant woman
who is close to term may be criticized for not doing enough; and
after the birth, her sisters-in-law are watching for her to resume
her duties. If after forty days she has not yet started working her
full load, she will definitely hear about it. Her husband could add
fuel to the conflict by taking his wife's side against her salafat .
The only example we have in the tales of this kind of relationship
combines it with a sister relationship - that is, two sisters are
married to two brothers, a combination that does occur in actuality
(Tale 43). In this tale the transformation of social reality into
fiction and its adaptation to the pattern of a widely known folktale
can be clearly seen (cf. Tale 28). Again recalling our observation
that the Palestinian folktale is a woman's art form, we note that
here the protagonists are not male, as is typical in other
traditions, but female, with
because her brother remains her protector (sanad, izwe) for the rest
of her life. As we noted earlier, a bride's position in the extended
family of her husband is one of relative weakness at first, but if
she comes into her new situation with a strong and supportive set of
brothers behind her, she can in fact enjoy a certain sense of power.
A bride with no brothers is pitied; she is considered to be "cut
off" (maqtua), with no one to stand up for her in time of need.
Despite
the potential for harmony between brother and sister, however,
conflict is possible in several areas. The most important of these
concerns the issue of sexual honor, as we see clearly in Tale 42,
where the sister must run away from her brothers in order to save her
life. Sexual honor is also addressed in Tale 8, although obliquely,
as we explain in the footnotes. A brother is bound to protect his
sister's sexual honor, and she in turn can ruin her own reputation
and that of her family through indiscreet behavior. Another possible
area of conflict involves inheritance. Although entitled by Islamic
law (saria) to half what a man inherits, women usually forgo this
right in favor of their brothers. If she marries, the sister will
share in her husband's wealth - or poverty (Tale 43); and if she
remains single, her father or brothers will provide for her. A
sister, however, can pose a threat to her brothers by demanding her
share of the inheritance, thereby, if she is married, transferring
family property to others who may be enemies. (Although it is not
attested in the tales, the issue of inheritance is socially very
significant, for it constitutes yet another way - economics - in
which women are turned into the Other.) A third source of conflict
might lie in a hostile relationship between a sister and her
brother's wife, as in Tale 31; yet regardless of how much tension
exists between the two women, a sister will never break her
relationship with her brother, even if he wrongs her (Tales 8, 31,
42).
Because
the wives of brothers (salafat) may come from different extended
families, and possibly from divergent social backgrounds, their
mutual relationships form a potentially great source of conflict,
both for themselves and for those around them. In this respect the
relationship resembles that of co-wives; and indeed, the two sets are
structurally similar. Because Levirate marriage is practiced in
Palestine, salafat can become co-wives. Furthermore, because marriage
to a man is also marriage into a family, all the brothers' wives come
into the same family from the outside, and each must find her own
place in it, competing for the favor and attention of all her
in-laws. A clever woman (malune) who gets along well with her
husband's family (daramha - literally, "her uncle's
household"), like the heroine of Tale 15, is much admired in the
society.
The
causes for jealousy and hostility among salafat are many. Work
distribution becomes a source of friction when one of the wives is
perceived to be doing less than her fair share. Even a pregnant woman
who is close to term may be criticized for not doing enough; and
after the birth, her sisters-in-law are watching for her to resume
her duties. If after forty days she has not yet started working her
full load, she will definitely hear about it. Her husband could add
fuel to the conflict by taking his wife's side against her salafat .
The only example we have in the tales of this kind of relationship
combines it with a sister relationship - that is, two sisters are
married to two brothers, a combination that does occur in actuality
(Tale 43). In this tale the transformation of social reality into
fiction and its adaptation to the pattern of a widely known folktale
can be clearly seen (cf. Tale 28). Again recalling our observation
that the Palestinian folktale is a woman's art form, we note that
here the protagonists are not male, as is typical in other
traditions, but female, with
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