The Everything Theodore Roosevelt Book by Arthur G. Sharp Page B
Authors: Arthur G. Sharp
Tags: United States, General, History, Biography & Autobiography, Americas (North; Central; South; West Indies)
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Third Year Is Not a Charm
TR was elected to a third term in the 1883 election. His constituents still supported him. The Republican Party did not. They conspired to remove him from any leadership position in 1884 because he was stepping on too many toes. That did not stop him. As a consolation prize, the leaders appointed him to the Cities Committee. That worked in his favor.
Democrats and Republicans alike looked to TR for floor leadership in the Assembly. He ended up with more power than he would have had as the official House leader and learned a valuable lesson from the situation. He commented, “As so often, I found that the titular position was of no consequence; what counted was the combination of the opportunity with the ability to accomplish results.”
TR’s 1883 re-election victory as assemblyman gave him the opportunity to change the role of the aldermen in New York City. He deemed it the most important challenge of the term. TR saw it as a chance to get the citizens of the city involved in politics to their benefit.
In the mid-1880s, aldermen in New York City had the power of confirmation over the mayor’s appointments. The real power lay in the hands of the ward bosses, who controlled the aldermen. TR and his allies in the Assembly believed that if they could reduce the aldermen’s power, they would eliminate a critical step in the appointment process and give ordinary citizens a stronger voice.
Take That, Mr. Young
The appointment to the Cities Committee opened the door for him to pursue the reform he thought was so badly needed in New York City. The 1884 session had no sooner started than TR introduced three bills into the Assembly: one to raise liquor license fees by a large margin, one to weaken the city’s borrowing power, and another to increase the mayor’s authority and accountability.
The first one was a throwback to his first campaign visit to Valentine Young’s saloon on Sixth Street, which had ended so badly; it failed. The second one passed. The third created a controversy when he introduced it, and it got TR and Governor Cleveland into hot water again—on the same side.
The Reform Charter Bill, as it was called, upset the political machine leaders in New York City because its intent was to weaken them and to increase citizens’ chances of electing a reform mayor. That intrigued Governor Cleveland, who had been elected largely on his strength as a reformer. His support of TR’s bill drew the ire of Tammany Hall, which supported aldermanic chicanery. The battle lines were drawn once again.
There was a definite need for aldermanic reform in 1884. Several members of the Board of Aldermen were involved in a scheme to help entrepreneur Jake Sharp acquire a Broadway railroad franchise at a noncompetitive price. In exchange, they received kickbacks (called “boodles”) and acquired the nickname “The Boodle Board.”
TR delivered an eloquent speech to support passage of the Reform Charter Bill that drew praise from almost every newspaper in New York. The bill passed, and he and Governor Cleveland became Tammany Hall’s “Co-Enemies Number One.” That did not bother either man. It simply demonstrated that they were accomplishing what they were elected to do: enact civil reform.
One More Controversy
As TR’s third term in office ended, he became embroiled in one more controversy that involved Grover Cleveland indirectly and the 1884 presidential election. Again, he did not endear himself to his party.
TR was selected as a delegate to the Republican National Convention in Chicago in 1884. The party nominated James G. Blaine as its candidate. TR opposed the nomination, as did many other Republicans. One of them was George William Curtis, an ardent reformer of the civil service at the federal level, who noted in a statement after the convention ended that TR would play a major role in politics in the future.
James G. Blaine was the leader of the “Half Breed” faction of the
TR was elected to a third term in the 1883 election. His constituents still supported him. The Republican Party did not. They conspired to remove him from any leadership position in 1884 because he was stepping on too many toes. That did not stop him. As a consolation prize, the leaders appointed him to the Cities Committee. That worked in his favor.
Democrats and Republicans alike looked to TR for floor leadership in the Assembly. He ended up with more power than he would have had as the official House leader and learned a valuable lesson from the situation. He commented, “As so often, I found that the titular position was of no consequence; what counted was the combination of the opportunity with the ability to accomplish results.”
TR’s 1883 re-election victory as assemblyman gave him the opportunity to change the role of the aldermen in New York City. He deemed it the most important challenge of the term. TR saw it as a chance to get the citizens of the city involved in politics to their benefit.
In the mid-1880s, aldermen in New York City had the power of confirmation over the mayor’s appointments. The real power lay in the hands of the ward bosses, who controlled the aldermen. TR and his allies in the Assembly believed that if they could reduce the aldermen’s power, they would eliminate a critical step in the appointment process and give ordinary citizens a stronger voice.
Take That, Mr. Young
The appointment to the Cities Committee opened the door for him to pursue the reform he thought was so badly needed in New York City. The 1884 session had no sooner started than TR introduced three bills into the Assembly: one to raise liquor license fees by a large margin, one to weaken the city’s borrowing power, and another to increase the mayor’s authority and accountability.
The first one was a throwback to his first campaign visit to Valentine Young’s saloon on Sixth Street, which had ended so badly; it failed. The second one passed. The third created a controversy when he introduced it, and it got TR and Governor Cleveland into hot water again—on the same side.
The Reform Charter Bill, as it was called, upset the political machine leaders in New York City because its intent was to weaken them and to increase citizens’ chances of electing a reform mayor. That intrigued Governor Cleveland, who had been elected largely on his strength as a reformer. His support of TR’s bill drew the ire of Tammany Hall, which supported aldermanic chicanery. The battle lines were drawn once again.
There was a definite need for aldermanic reform in 1884. Several members of the Board of Aldermen were involved in a scheme to help entrepreneur Jake Sharp acquire a Broadway railroad franchise at a noncompetitive price. In exchange, they received kickbacks (called “boodles”) and acquired the nickname “The Boodle Board.”
TR delivered an eloquent speech to support passage of the Reform Charter Bill that drew praise from almost every newspaper in New York. The bill passed, and he and Governor Cleveland became Tammany Hall’s “Co-Enemies Number One.” That did not bother either man. It simply demonstrated that they were accomplishing what they were elected to do: enact civil reform.
One More Controversy
As TR’s third term in office ended, he became embroiled in one more controversy that involved Grover Cleveland indirectly and the 1884 presidential election. Again, he did not endear himself to his party.
TR was selected as a delegate to the Republican National Convention in Chicago in 1884. The party nominated James G. Blaine as its candidate. TR opposed the nomination, as did many other Republicans. One of them was George William Curtis, an ardent reformer of the civil service at the federal level, who noted in a statement after the convention ended that TR would play a major role in politics in the future.
James G. Blaine was the leader of the “Half Breed” faction of the
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