The Great Depression in United States History by David K. Fremon Page B
Authors: David K. Fremon
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Garner, too, was convinced the election was a sure thing. He made only one speech—over the radio—during the campaign. Roosevelt, however, traveled and spoke anywhere and everywhere. He wanted to show that his polio was not a work-threatening disability. Roosevelt also wanted the good will of the American people. As president, he would introduce measures that were potentially unpopular. He could use that good will later.
“Landslide” barely described the Roosevelt victory. The Democrat won by 7 million votes and carried forty-two of forty-eight states. After the election, defeated candidate Hoover tried to work with the victor. Roosevelt refused. He wanted a clean start in his new administration. That meant no association with Hoover’s failures.
Roosevelt almost did not live to see the inauguration. On February 15, he was speaking in Miami. An anarchist named Guiseppi Zangara shot at the president-elect. The bullet missed him but hit Chicago mayor Anton Cermak. The mayor, who died a few days later, told the soon-to-be president, “I am glad it was me instead of you.” 6
Chapter 7
“SHARE OUR WEALTH”
In many ways, the Depression years were considered times of discontent. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1932 landslide did not mean unanimous support for the president. Unhappy souls throughout the political spectrum sought government change. On another front, labor unions fought a series of battles for better working conditions. These forces created tensions through- out the 1930s.
An EPIC Campaign
During the 1930s, political movements emerged that critics claimed were more radical than the New Deal. The most famous of these movements occurred in California in 1934.
Upton Sinclair had gained fame as a crusading writer. His 1906 book The Jungle exposed the working conditions of Chicago’s stockyards and helped bring about the Pure Food and Drug Act. Sinclair had a socialist philosophy; he felt the government should control the nation’s economy. Sinclair ran for various offices as a socialist, but received few votes.
In 1933, he changed his tactics. He decided to run for governor of California as a Democrat. The confident Sinclair even wrote a premature history of his administration: I, the Governor of California and How I Ended Poverty: A True Story of the Future .
Sinclair’s book became an instant success, selling two hundred twenty-five thousand copies in one year. It detailed Sinclair’s End Poverty in California (EPIC) proposal. Sinclair suggested that the state of California take over unused factories and farms. Unemployed workers and farmers would create products. The workers would then be paid in scrip that could be used in other EPIC facilities. Production for use, not for profit, was Sinclair’s aim. He was proposing a government-owned system, which would rival and eventually take over private businesses. EPIC was socialism under a different name.
By August 1934, one thousand EPIC clubs had sprung up throughout California. The EPIC symbol, a bumblebee, appeared everywhere. EPIC sponsored rodeos and drama groups. A newspaper, the Epic News, was distributed to nearly a million homes. EPIC fever hit the polls on the day of the Democratic primary election. Upton Sinclair drew more votes than any other Democrat in California history, more votes than his eight opponents combined.
Industry leaders were worried before the primary, and they were terrified after it. Sinclair, if elected, could alter California’s economic system and put them out of business.
This fear produced one of the most vicious political campaigns in American history. Louis Mayer of MGM Studios (the state Republican chairman), C. C. Teague of Sunkist Oranges, and Harry Chandler of the Los Angeles Times met for three days in Los Angeles. They plotted a relentless negative campaign.
All major newspapers came out against Sinclair. They did not print his speeches. Instead, some quoted characters in Sinclair’s novels and used those
Garner, too, was convinced the election was a sure thing. He made only one speech—over the radio—during the campaign. Roosevelt, however, traveled and spoke anywhere and everywhere. He wanted to show that his polio was not a work-threatening disability. Roosevelt also wanted the good will of the American people. As president, he would introduce measures that were potentially unpopular. He could use that good will later.
“Landslide” barely described the Roosevelt victory. The Democrat won by 7 million votes and carried forty-two of forty-eight states. After the election, defeated candidate Hoover tried to work with the victor. Roosevelt refused. He wanted a clean start in his new administration. That meant no association with Hoover’s failures.
Roosevelt almost did not live to see the inauguration. On February 15, he was speaking in Miami. An anarchist named Guiseppi Zangara shot at the president-elect. The bullet missed him but hit Chicago mayor Anton Cermak. The mayor, who died a few days later, told the soon-to-be president, “I am glad it was me instead of you.” 6
Chapter 7
“SHARE OUR WEALTH”
In many ways, the Depression years were considered times of discontent. Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1932 landslide did not mean unanimous support for the president. Unhappy souls throughout the political spectrum sought government change. On another front, labor unions fought a series of battles for better working conditions. These forces created tensions through- out the 1930s.
An EPIC Campaign
During the 1930s, political movements emerged that critics claimed were more radical than the New Deal. The most famous of these movements occurred in California in 1934.
Upton Sinclair had gained fame as a crusading writer. His 1906 book The Jungle exposed the working conditions of Chicago’s stockyards and helped bring about the Pure Food and Drug Act. Sinclair had a socialist philosophy; he felt the government should control the nation’s economy. Sinclair ran for various offices as a socialist, but received few votes.
In 1933, he changed his tactics. He decided to run for governor of California as a Democrat. The confident Sinclair even wrote a premature history of his administration: I, the Governor of California and How I Ended Poverty: A True Story of the Future .
Sinclair’s book became an instant success, selling two hundred twenty-five thousand copies in one year. It detailed Sinclair’s End Poverty in California (EPIC) proposal. Sinclair suggested that the state of California take over unused factories and farms. Unemployed workers and farmers would create products. The workers would then be paid in scrip that could be used in other EPIC facilities. Production for use, not for profit, was Sinclair’s aim. He was proposing a government-owned system, which would rival and eventually take over private businesses. EPIC was socialism under a different name.
By August 1934, one thousand EPIC clubs had sprung up throughout California. The EPIC symbol, a bumblebee, appeared everywhere. EPIC sponsored rodeos and drama groups. A newspaper, the Epic News, was distributed to nearly a million homes. EPIC fever hit the polls on the day of the Democratic primary election. Upton Sinclair drew more votes than any other Democrat in California history, more votes than his eight opponents combined.
Industry leaders were worried before the primary, and they were terrified after it. Sinclair, if elected, could alter California’s economic system and put them out of business.
This fear produced one of the most vicious political campaigns in American history. Louis Mayer of MGM Studios (the state Republican chairman), C. C. Teague of Sunkist Oranges, and Harry Chandler of the Los Angeles Times met for three days in Los Angeles. They plotted a relentless negative campaign.
All major newspapers came out against Sinclair. They did not print his speeches. Instead, some quoted characters in Sinclair’s novels and used those
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