the whole European economic process.'
'Give it time, show them what they're missing.'
'Quite so. But there has to be a limit, an end to the prevarication: a deadline if you will.'
'I'm having difficulty seeing what this has to do with me.'
'I'm sorry, maybe I'm putting in too much background, but I was hoping you could appreciate the sense of frustration that has built up in recent years. Let me speak plainly: the British Government has caused major delays at all stages of this inevitable process. Whingeing about loss of sovereignty, refusing to relinquish their precious Sterling. Spreading doom and despondency about monetary union and the dire consequences of a common fiscal policy.
‘Generally, if the truth be told, doing everything possible to both have their cake and eat it. They want to be part of Europe, but not a united Europe. They like being able to tap into European funds, but for God’s sake don't ask them to make any firm commitments to the ideal.' Harrison had stopped walking and the two men stood side by side on the footpath, watching two teenage girls with a dog on the far side of the canal.
Hollis kept his face immobile but his thoughts raced. He was beginning to see why such a large financial carrot was being dangled. 'The man in Downing Street has become surplus to requirements, has he?'
Harrison was impressed. This was no ignorant psychopath––his nagging worry all the way from Edinburgh. Manson had indeed delivered the goods and no mistake. 'Good God, no! The poor sod's hands are tied behind his back, as were his predecessors. Who in the UK do you think has most to lose in a truly United Europe? A single economic and political entity.'
Hollis was beginning to feel a psychological chill down his back. The options were narrowing, but he wasn't about to make any more guesses. 'I'm an American, what do I know about British politics?'
They resumed walking, Hollis with his hands in his pockets and Harrison with his tucked behind his back. 'The Establishment has most to lose. Their function would be entirely removed; they would become an irrelevance. Even an embarrassment. They won't allow that to happen, not after God knows how many centuries.'
'Who won’t?'
'I'm talking about the British monarchy, Mr Smith. It is clear to me that they have a marked reluctance to encouraging further European progress. There is, after all, little place in modern society for the sort of appalling privilege they have always enjoyed. And certainly no place in a Republican Europe for the pompous British aristocracy. The people I represent believe strongly that successive British Governments have been advised , in the strongest possible terms, to do everything and anything necessary to prevent the formation of a true European State. Not for any actual political ends, but rather because it would decrease still further the monarchy’s already fragile role––not a situation I would expect them to take lightly.'
'There's no way they could have that kind of control over a democratically elected government!' But Hollis was ahead of the game now. He could see what was coming and it scared the hell out of him.
'Don't be a bloody fool, man. How do you think they have managed to survive this long?' Harrison didn't wait for an answer. In a gravely voice, he continued: 'The Queen has announced she will abdicate in favour of Charles due to her grave illness. The newspapers have been full of little else for months. While of course we must sympathize with her situation, this means the beginning of a new monarchy. The reign of King Charles the Third.
‘It is our intention, myself and my colleagues, to turn the British Establishment on it's head at that time. To remove them as a meaningful force in the European equation at least long enough to bring about the essential changes. Permanently if possible, but that doesn’t matter. To do this it will be necessary to strike a mortal blow at the very heart of that
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