traveled to Jordan to enlist in the Palestinian fedayeen forces.
Abu Ramzi had also felt that he understood the Iraqi character and could accept help from Iraq because Baghdad’s distance from Jerusalem meant the Palestinian Resistance had less reason to distrust Iraq’s leaders. Iraqi aid, Abu Ramzi often repeated, came with no strings other than continued opposition to Syrian domination in Lebanon and occasional public tribute to Saddam Hussein.
In Abu Ramzi’s view, however, it was neither Syria nor Iraq, nor even Israel, that held the key to creating a Palestinian homeland on the West Bank and Gaza. It was the United States. The two thousand U.S. dollars Prosser paid him every month doubtless also helped to foster a positive attitude toward America. The money provided financial security for Abu Ramzi’s family and an ample source of funds for the many small gifts and favors he dispensed to cultivate the personal loyalty of his junior officers and troops. Abu Ramzi believed that someday, however, the Americans would prevail upon Israel to permit a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. When they did, he believed, the individual Palestinians who were favorites of the Americans would become the fathers of their fledgling country, and he intended to take his place at the head of the list.
While Abu Ramzi’s intelligence assignments for the Americans were often onerous and time-consuming, he never shrank from any reasonable task. Above all, he relished the opportunity to explain PLO strategy, to offer insider gossip about Palestinian leaders and factional feuds, and to pass along the PLO’s own intelligence assessments regarding the Lebanese Shiite fundamentalists and the Syrian army. He also brought lengthy handwritten reports to each meeting and served up purloined copies of secret PLO and Iraqi intelligence documents whenever he could.
Prosser quickly scanned the twenty pages of photocopied reports Abu Ramzi had brought tucked inside his boots. Then he folded the documents twice and stuffed them into his jacket pocket. “We have many subjects to cover, Abu Ramzi,” he began once the documents were tucked away. “First, the car bombs. Twice as many exploded last month on both sides of town. Why? Who’s behind them?”
“Surely you must know that responsibility lies with the Syrians, Wally. Their aim is to convince the Lebanese people that only the Syrian army is capable of providing security for West Beirut. Syrian military intelligence plants the bombs, then the Syrian army claims credit for discovering them. What could be simpler? Of course, some of the bombs must explode from time to time to demonstrate the importance of this service.”
“What makes you so sure it’s the Syrians?
“How could it not be? So very many booby-trapped cars could not possibly be assembled or moved about the city without Syrian complicity.”
“Then how do you explain the wave of bombings on the East Side, against the Phalangists?”
Abu Ramzi gave Prosser a reproving look. “Syria has agents there, too, of course. Just this week I read a report that Syrian military intelligence has recruited a new explosives expert to manufacture bombs for use against East Beirut. He is said to be a Palestinian, formerly in the Resistance. He produces the bombs in West Beirut, then has them smuggled across the Green Line by Christian members of the Syrian Baath Party who live in East Beirut and are able to pass easily in and out. Believe me, Wally, these are facts I am giving you,” he boasted with a self-satisfied smile. “Solid facts.” He leaned back on the sofa and took a handful of pistachios.
“What else do you know about this explosives expert?” Prosser inquired. “Can you give me a name or a description?”
“I have no more than what I have told you. But as for the Christian smugglers, before the Syrian occupation they worked closely with Fatah, training cadres in demolitions work. There are three brothers. The
Abu Ramzi had also felt that he understood the Iraqi character and could accept help from Iraq because Baghdad’s distance from Jerusalem meant the Palestinian Resistance had less reason to distrust Iraq’s leaders. Iraqi aid, Abu Ramzi often repeated, came with no strings other than continued opposition to Syrian domination in Lebanon and occasional public tribute to Saddam Hussein.
In Abu Ramzi’s view, however, it was neither Syria nor Iraq, nor even Israel, that held the key to creating a Palestinian homeland on the West Bank and Gaza. It was the United States. The two thousand U.S. dollars Prosser paid him every month doubtless also helped to foster a positive attitude toward America. The money provided financial security for Abu Ramzi’s family and an ample source of funds for the many small gifts and favors he dispensed to cultivate the personal loyalty of his junior officers and troops. Abu Ramzi believed that someday, however, the Americans would prevail upon Israel to permit a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza. When they did, he believed, the individual Palestinians who were favorites of the Americans would become the fathers of their fledgling country, and he intended to take his place at the head of the list.
While Abu Ramzi’s intelligence assignments for the Americans were often onerous and time-consuming, he never shrank from any reasonable task. Above all, he relished the opportunity to explain PLO strategy, to offer insider gossip about Palestinian leaders and factional feuds, and to pass along the PLO’s own intelligence assessments regarding the Lebanese Shiite fundamentalists and the Syrian army. He also brought lengthy handwritten reports to each meeting and served up purloined copies of secret PLO and Iraqi intelligence documents whenever he could.
Prosser quickly scanned the twenty pages of photocopied reports Abu Ramzi had brought tucked inside his boots. Then he folded the documents twice and stuffed them into his jacket pocket. “We have many subjects to cover, Abu Ramzi,” he began once the documents were tucked away. “First, the car bombs. Twice as many exploded last month on both sides of town. Why? Who’s behind them?”
“Surely you must know that responsibility lies with the Syrians, Wally. Their aim is to convince the Lebanese people that only the Syrian army is capable of providing security for West Beirut. Syrian military intelligence plants the bombs, then the Syrian army claims credit for discovering them. What could be simpler? Of course, some of the bombs must explode from time to time to demonstrate the importance of this service.”
“What makes you so sure it’s the Syrians?
“How could it not be? So very many booby-trapped cars could not possibly be assembled or moved about the city without Syrian complicity.”
“Then how do you explain the wave of bombings on the East Side, against the Phalangists?”
Abu Ramzi gave Prosser a reproving look. “Syria has agents there, too, of course. Just this week I read a report that Syrian military intelligence has recruited a new explosives expert to manufacture bombs for use against East Beirut. He is said to be a Palestinian, formerly in the Resistance. He produces the bombs in West Beirut, then has them smuggled across the Green Line by Christian members of the Syrian Baath Party who live in East Beirut and are able to pass easily in and out. Believe me, Wally, these are facts I am giving you,” he boasted with a self-satisfied smile. “Solid facts.” He leaned back on the sofa and took a handful of pistachios.
“What else do you know about this explosives expert?” Prosser inquired. “Can you give me a name or a description?”
“I have no more than what I have told you. But as for the Christian smugglers, before the Syrian occupation they worked closely with Fatah, training cadres in demolitions work. There are three brothers. The
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