solemnly with muskets reversed while several cannon fired a salute every minute during the course of the procession. Across the river, the batteries at both Fort Niagara and Lewiston thundered salvoes in honour of the fallen general. After the funeral, the two caskets were interred in a bastion deep inside Fort George.
The next day, the October 17 issue of the Kingston
Gazette
carried a fanciful account of Brockâs death that began the process that would transform soldier into mythical Canadian icon forever twinned with another myth born at Queenston Heightsâthat of the pre-eminent role played by the militia in repelling the invasion. Here was Brock in the midst of militiamen who were âever obedient to his call, and whom [he] loved with the adoration of a father.â A Brock who fell in the midst of their ranks, his last dying words,
âPush on brave York Volunteers.
â 13 Throughout Upper Canada the story was told, the legend recast and embellished until everyoneâsave perhaps the British regulars who fought at Queenston and buried their dead thereâbelieved the militia carried the
day.
That Brock had considered them at best barely competent and had distrusted their loyalty was forgotten. Brock, an Englishman who desired nothing more than to quit North American service to seek glory on the European battlefields where careers were made, was quickly anointed a hero whom all Canadians, whether English, French, or American Loyalists, could claim as their own.
Previously English Canadians had esteemed Gen. James Wolfe, whose death on the Plains of Abraham during the pivotal battle that decided the outcome of the battle for Quebec in 1759 had elevated him to near-martyrdom both in English Canada and at home in Great Britain. But that same battle had claimed the life of Marquis Louis Joseph de Montcalm, commander of French forces in Canada, and signalled theend of New France. So Wolfeâs stature in Canada remained ambiguous, a hero only half of the colony could claim. Such was not the case for Brock.
His death and the Queenston Heights victory had another immediate outcome as the defeatist talk that had pervaded Upper Canada and the low turnout of volunteer militia dissipated. Sheaffe soon reported to Prevost that he was no longer plagued by militiamen leaving the field at the slightest excuse. Further, the militia serving in the Niagara area were âvery alert at their several posts and continue generally to evince the best disposition.â 14
This contrasted starkly with the situation south of the border, where the New York militia was almost in open rebellion. Predictably the outcome of the Battle of Queenston Heights had brought disgrace rather than accolades to the officers involved. At first Stephen Van Rensselaer attempted to shift the blame to others, including Smyth, who he maintained should have come to his aid. But the real culprits, the general reported to Secretary of War Dr. William Eustis, were the New York militiamen who refused to cross the river and cost Van Rensselaer the battle. âI can only add that the victory was really won, but lost for the want of a small reinforcement: one-third part of the idle men might have saved all.â 15
His excuses mattered not; it was obvious the manâs military career was washed up. Realizing this, Van Rensselaer bowed to the inevitable and requested retirement rather than waiting to be relieved. General Dearborn readily accepted and then wrote a letter to the president placing responsibility for the failure squarely on the Dutchmanâs shoulders. He then gave Gen. Alexander Smyth command of the Army of the Center. Smyth quickly purged the Federalist officers from the ranks and made a clumsy attempt to escape being subordinate to Dearborn. âGive me here
a clear stage,
men, and
money,
and I will retrieve your affairs or perish,â Smyth advised War Secretary Eustis. Recognizing Smythâs intention in contacting
The next day, the October 17 issue of the Kingston
Gazette
carried a fanciful account of Brockâs death that began the process that would transform soldier into mythical Canadian icon forever twinned with another myth born at Queenston Heightsâthat of the pre-eminent role played by the militia in repelling the invasion. Here was Brock in the midst of militiamen who were âever obedient to his call, and whom [he] loved with the adoration of a father.â A Brock who fell in the midst of their ranks, his last dying words,
âPush on brave York Volunteers.
â 13 Throughout Upper Canada the story was told, the legend recast and embellished until everyoneâsave perhaps the British regulars who fought at Queenston and buried their dead thereâbelieved the militia carried the
day.
That Brock had considered them at best barely competent and had distrusted their loyalty was forgotten. Brock, an Englishman who desired nothing more than to quit North American service to seek glory on the European battlefields where careers were made, was quickly anointed a hero whom all Canadians, whether English, French, or American Loyalists, could claim as their own.
Previously English Canadians had esteemed Gen. James Wolfe, whose death on the Plains of Abraham during the pivotal battle that decided the outcome of the battle for Quebec in 1759 had elevated him to near-martyrdom both in English Canada and at home in Great Britain. But that same battle had claimed the life of Marquis Louis Joseph de Montcalm, commander of French forces in Canada, and signalled theend of New France. So Wolfeâs stature in Canada remained ambiguous, a hero only half of the colony could claim. Such was not the case for Brock.
His death and the Queenston Heights victory had another immediate outcome as the defeatist talk that had pervaded Upper Canada and the low turnout of volunteer militia dissipated. Sheaffe soon reported to Prevost that he was no longer plagued by militiamen leaving the field at the slightest excuse. Further, the militia serving in the Niagara area were âvery alert at their several posts and continue generally to evince the best disposition.â 14
This contrasted starkly with the situation south of the border, where the New York militia was almost in open rebellion. Predictably the outcome of the Battle of Queenston Heights had brought disgrace rather than accolades to the officers involved. At first Stephen Van Rensselaer attempted to shift the blame to others, including Smyth, who he maintained should have come to his aid. But the real culprits, the general reported to Secretary of War Dr. William Eustis, were the New York militiamen who refused to cross the river and cost Van Rensselaer the battle. âI can only add that the victory was really won, but lost for the want of a small reinforcement: one-third part of the idle men might have saved all.â 15
His excuses mattered not; it was obvious the manâs military career was washed up. Realizing this, Van Rensselaer bowed to the inevitable and requested retirement rather than waiting to be relieved. General Dearborn readily accepted and then wrote a letter to the president placing responsibility for the failure squarely on the Dutchmanâs shoulders. He then gave Gen. Alexander Smyth command of the Army of the Center. Smyth quickly purged the Federalist officers from the ranks and made a clumsy attempt to escape being subordinate to Dearborn. âGive me here
a clear stage,
men, and
money,
and I will retrieve your affairs or perish,â Smyth advised War Secretary Eustis. Recognizing Smythâs intention in contacting
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