Henry VIII by Alison Weir

intimates. However, it was not Henry’s policy to delegate responsibility to a courtier who lacked the ability to bear it, however good a friend he might be.
    As a result of his constantly changing enthusiasms and shifts of policy, Henry’s court was often divided by fluctuating courtier factions dedicated to promoting themselves and their ideas. Unable to confront or oppose the King directly, they used the politics of persuasion to achieve their aims.
    Charles de Marillac, the French ambassador, wrote in 1540: “The subjects take example from the Prince, and the ministers seek only to undo each other to gain credit; and under colour of their master’s good, each attends his own. For all the fine words of which they are full, they will act only as necessity and interest compel them.” 9
    Henry’s successive marriages brought to prominence families of a particular political or religious persuasion, such as the Boleyns, the Seymours, the Howards, and the Parrs. Generally, courtiers in favour could attract parties of supporters. These factions, however, were rarely stable; they shifted in composition and opinions, and their existence depended on the current situation or on whoever was chief minister. Nevertheless, they were an essential part of the political process in Tudor times.
    In 1528, Castiglione’s
The Courtier
was published in Italy, enshrining the virtues and qualities of the ideal courtier. Modelled upon Cicero’s orator, such a courtier would be eloquent, learned, and well-informed, and thus able to influence and manipulate his ruler. He also had to be an example of chivalry and courtesy, a lover of the arts, and expert in martial exercises and sports. The book was based on the ideals of antiquity, and it enjoyed huge popularity, even in remote England, where its influence upon the court was felt almost immediately.
    The ideal was much removed from the realities of courtier life. Sir Thomas More believed that a courtier had no choice but to compromise his moral principles and his honesty in order to survive—a view echoed by the poet Sir Thomas Wyatt, who, while he recognised why people were attracted to the court, cynically wrote of men greedy for gold, buying friends and selling women, betraying friendships for profit, and pretending to be virtuous. 10
    At court, wrote Sir Francis Bryan, there was “overplus malice and displeasures,” 11 while Marillac loathed “the tainted air of the court.” 12 “Every man,” warned John Husee, Lady Lisle’s agent, should “beware the flattering of the court”; Queen Jane Seymour had asked him to deter his mistress from sending her daughters to a place that was “full of pride, envy, indignation, mocking, scorning and derision.” 13 The superficial life of outward courtesy, frivolity, luxury, and idle pastimes masked deep-seated frustrations, resentment, vicious intrigue, treachery, and backbiting. Most courtiers were motivated by greed; therefore there was intense competition and rivalry.
    Life at court could also be routine and boring. There was much waiting and hanging about, and every distraction was welcome. A large number of young men of a military bent unable to find an outlet for their energy and aggression could have caused problems, but Henry ensured that they were provided with many opportunities for sport and feats of arms and a succession of entertaining diversions.
    There was great formality at Henry’s court, but the court was also chaotic, wasteful, and hugely expensive to maintain. Continual efforts to improve the efficiency of the royal household met with only varying success, yet given the numbers of people present at court at any one time, its administrators managed rather well. In winter it was not unheard of for between a thousand and fifteen hundred persons to be in residence, of whom only about a hundred had access to the King; up to a thousand persons might be in service in