the Melbourne Accord.
“2030 sharp,” Taylor said using military time. In one hour he was going to give Mexico’s president Oscar Hernandez one chance to respond. One chance only. No negotiations. No rhetoric. No grandstanding. If he didn’t agree to the terms of the “chat,” there would be a response with extreme prejudice and incontrovertible meaning.
Morgan Taylor would have to notify the Speaker of the House, the president pro tem of the Senate, and members of the Armed Services Committee. He would also brief his cabinet based on the latest damning report prepared by Homeland Security and the FBI on drug snuggling into the United States and gangland-style kidnappings and killings working their way north. The president of Mexico be damned if he didn’t comply , thought Morgan Taylor.
Washington, D.C.
The Hotel George steam room
Duke Patrick sat in the steam room with two other key players from the Hill. He was closest to the senior senator from Missouri, Shaw Aderly, and the chairman of the conservative Washington think tank, The Center for Strategic Studies, Nathan Williamson. While they often disagreed with one another, a fundamental political belief united them now. They wanted Taylor out. Patrick more than any of them.
“The whole succession debate is very confusing to the American public. It gets traction, and then quiets down. Eventually we will see a new amendment reflecting much, if not all, of the noise that’s out there,” Aderly said. At sixty-six, he was the most senior and most politically powerful of the group. He represented the strongest faction of closet megalomaniacs. Aderly came from the president’s party and wisely kept his anti-Taylor criticism to a select few. Time would come when he wouldn’t. For now, naked in heat with Patrick and Williamson, he could lay bare his opinions. “Perhaps sooner than later. But we use the debate to our favor.”
“You have to look at it this way, Duke,” Nathan Williamson said. “Unless there’s some divine intervention on your behalf before the likely ratification of a new succession amendment to the constitution, you’re going to have to get the presidency the old fashioned way.”
Duke Patrick had already resigned himself to that fact. The cable news channels debated the issue. It became a unique topic in the world of division and derision that usually clearly delineated Fox News from MSNBC or Current TV. There was no conservative or progressive stand; no real Republican vs. Democratic position. Of course, some Democrats saw real merit in maintaining the status quo considering the Speaker of the House’s party affiliation. But in any Congressional election, meaning every two years, leadership could, and often did, flip.
So some Fox talkers argued in favor of the proposal. Others did not. The same thing occurred across the spectrum on CNN, political blogs, and in editorials. As a result, loyal followers of the normally ideologically separated channels had to come to their own decisions; a surprising phenomenon in the recent marketplace of biased political ideals.
And according to the popular political discourse, the country was generally buying into Morgan Taylor’s new plan for presidential succession—a proposal developed by Katie Kessler. The plan garnered her two astounding job offers. One as a court clerk for the esteemed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Leopold Browning; the other as a deputy White House counsel. Not surprisingly, Kessler chose the White House. Her decision wasn’t based on Scott Roarke also working there. It was the excitement that she felt about the address and the commitment she had for the job.
A draft of the amendment was already working its way through Congress where political wars were going to be fought over more than just language. The fundamental concept would take one of the country’s most powerful men out of the Number Three position in the order of succession; something that Duke Patrick,
“2030 sharp,” Taylor said using military time. In one hour he was going to give Mexico’s president Oscar Hernandez one chance to respond. One chance only. No negotiations. No rhetoric. No grandstanding. If he didn’t agree to the terms of the “chat,” there would be a response with extreme prejudice and incontrovertible meaning.
Morgan Taylor would have to notify the Speaker of the House, the president pro tem of the Senate, and members of the Armed Services Committee. He would also brief his cabinet based on the latest damning report prepared by Homeland Security and the FBI on drug snuggling into the United States and gangland-style kidnappings and killings working their way north. The president of Mexico be damned if he didn’t comply , thought Morgan Taylor.
Washington, D.C.
The Hotel George steam room
Duke Patrick sat in the steam room with two other key players from the Hill. He was closest to the senior senator from Missouri, Shaw Aderly, and the chairman of the conservative Washington think tank, The Center for Strategic Studies, Nathan Williamson. While they often disagreed with one another, a fundamental political belief united them now. They wanted Taylor out. Patrick more than any of them.
“The whole succession debate is very confusing to the American public. It gets traction, and then quiets down. Eventually we will see a new amendment reflecting much, if not all, of the noise that’s out there,” Aderly said. At sixty-six, he was the most senior and most politically powerful of the group. He represented the strongest faction of closet megalomaniacs. Aderly came from the president’s party and wisely kept his anti-Taylor criticism to a select few. Time would come when he wouldn’t. For now, naked in heat with Patrick and Williamson, he could lay bare his opinions. “Perhaps sooner than later. But we use the debate to our favor.”
“You have to look at it this way, Duke,” Nathan Williamson said. “Unless there’s some divine intervention on your behalf before the likely ratification of a new succession amendment to the constitution, you’re going to have to get the presidency the old fashioned way.”
Duke Patrick had already resigned himself to that fact. The cable news channels debated the issue. It became a unique topic in the world of division and derision that usually clearly delineated Fox News from MSNBC or Current TV. There was no conservative or progressive stand; no real Republican vs. Democratic position. Of course, some Democrats saw real merit in maintaining the status quo considering the Speaker of the House’s party affiliation. But in any Congressional election, meaning every two years, leadership could, and often did, flip.
So some Fox talkers argued in favor of the proposal. Others did not. The same thing occurred across the spectrum on CNN, political blogs, and in editorials. As a result, loyal followers of the normally ideologically separated channels had to come to their own decisions; a surprising phenomenon in the recent marketplace of biased political ideals.
And according to the popular political discourse, the country was generally buying into Morgan Taylor’s new plan for presidential succession—a proposal developed by Katie Kessler. The plan garnered her two astounding job offers. One as a court clerk for the esteemed Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, Leopold Browning; the other as a deputy White House counsel. Not surprisingly, Kessler chose the White House. Her decision wasn’t based on Scott Roarke also working there. It was the excitement that she felt about the address and the commitment she had for the job.
A draft of the amendment was already working its way through Congress where political wars were going to be fought over more than just language. The fundamental concept would take one of the country’s most powerful men out of the Number Three position in the order of succession; something that Duke Patrick,
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