the
course of a year practically reduced the country to submission to the Syrian
yoke. Alcimus, who, apparently with the object of giving the heathen access to
the Temple, had ordered the destruction of a line of demarcation which stood
between the inner and outer courts, was seized with paralysis and died, owing,
as the stricter Jews believed, to the wrath of heaven at his sacrilegious
purpose.
For some years (150—153
BC) the Jews were without a high priest, and Bacchides for the first two of
them left the country to itself, a circumstance of which Jonathan made good use
by seeking to improve his position for taking the offensive. This endeavor of
his so far succeeded, that, after a certain amount of strife with both
Hellenists and Syrian forces, the land had rest for five years.
But more striking
success was now in store, of a character that shows the powerful position which
the Maccabean leader had succeeded in acquiring. The Hellenizers evidently
failed to command the sympathies of any large number of the people. The
Assideans doubtless were in general accord with the party of Jonathan, and the
people over whom he presided at the end of those years of respite had a real
claim to be regarded as a united nation. The war of faction had been put down.
Jonathan’s supremacy
was conceded, and so apparent to Syria that the rivals for power were eager to
secure his support.
Balas, son of
Epiphanes, bore an extraordinary likeness to Antiochus Eupator, the late king
of Syria. He took the name of Alexander, and with the countenance of Attains of
Pergamum and Ptolemy Philometor of Egypt in his pretensions, as well as of the
Roman Senate, he claimed the Syrian throne. Demetrius, whose cruelties had
alienated his subjects, was alarmed, and wrote to secure Jonathan’s aid, “with
words of peace, so as to magnify him”. Balas, on the other hand, successfully
capped this attempt by a present of a purple robe and a golden crown; so that
he at once became prince in Judea and officiated as high priest at the Feast of
Tabernacles, 152 BC, the first of his family who had held that office.
Demetrius still endeavored to outbid his rival for Jewish support, and the
letter which he now wrote, preserved by Josephus, illustrates the extremely
severe character of the taxation which had been imposed by Syria. He says: “I
will remit you most of the taxes and contributions which ye paid to my
predecessors and myself ... I give you as a favor the value of the salt-tax and
the (golden) crowns which ye did bring to me, and my share, even one-third of
ground crops, and one-half of the fruit trees, I surrender from today. Also the
poll-tax paid by every inhabitant of Judea, viz., Samaria, Galilee, Perea, I
grant yon in perpetuity.” Among further concessions he promises honorable posts
in military service, a larger contribution to the Temple expenses, the
remission of the annual tax of 10,000 drachma paid by those who came to
sacrifice at Jerusalem, and that even Jews settled in Syrian provinces should
be exempt on all Sabbaths and festivals, and for three days before and after
the festivals, from being called before any court of justice.
Jonathan was prudently
deaf to these appeals. Alexander overthrew his rival, who was slain in the
battle, and Philometor offering to give the victor his daughter Cleopatra, the
marriage was celebrated at Ptolemais, Jonathan being present as a specially
honored guest. Jonathan's position henceforward was such that he was able to
aim at the extension of Jewish dominion by taking advantage of the political
condition of Syria, and obtaining, partly by demand, partly by conquest, such
concessions of power or territory as he desired. In the exercise of this
general policy he continued to support Alexander Balas when Demetrius II, son
of Demetrius I, set himself up (147 BC) as rival claimant for the throne, and
he more than once defeated Demetrius’sforces, and brought home rich booty. As
an acknowledgment of
course of a year practically reduced the country to submission to the Syrian
yoke. Alcimus, who, apparently with the object of giving the heathen access to
the Temple, had ordered the destruction of a line of demarcation which stood
between the inner and outer courts, was seized with paralysis and died, owing,
as the stricter Jews believed, to the wrath of heaven at his sacrilegious
purpose.
For some years (150—153
BC) the Jews were without a high priest, and Bacchides for the first two of
them left the country to itself, a circumstance of which Jonathan made good use
by seeking to improve his position for taking the offensive. This endeavor of
his so far succeeded, that, after a certain amount of strife with both
Hellenists and Syrian forces, the land had rest for five years.
But more striking
success was now in store, of a character that shows the powerful position which
the Maccabean leader had succeeded in acquiring. The Hellenizers evidently
failed to command the sympathies of any large number of the people. The
Assideans doubtless were in general accord with the party of Jonathan, and the
people over whom he presided at the end of those years of respite had a real
claim to be regarded as a united nation. The war of faction had been put down.
Jonathan’s supremacy
was conceded, and so apparent to Syria that the rivals for power were eager to
secure his support.
Balas, son of
Epiphanes, bore an extraordinary likeness to Antiochus Eupator, the late king
of Syria. He took the name of Alexander, and with the countenance of Attains of
Pergamum and Ptolemy Philometor of Egypt in his pretensions, as well as of the
Roman Senate, he claimed the Syrian throne. Demetrius, whose cruelties had
alienated his subjects, was alarmed, and wrote to secure Jonathan’s aid, “with
words of peace, so as to magnify him”. Balas, on the other hand, successfully
capped this attempt by a present of a purple robe and a golden crown; so that
he at once became prince in Judea and officiated as high priest at the Feast of
Tabernacles, 152 BC, the first of his family who had held that office.
Demetrius still endeavored to outbid his rival for Jewish support, and the
letter which he now wrote, preserved by Josephus, illustrates the extremely
severe character of the taxation which had been imposed by Syria. He says: “I
will remit you most of the taxes and contributions which ye paid to my
predecessors and myself ... I give you as a favor the value of the salt-tax and
the (golden) crowns which ye did bring to me, and my share, even one-third of
ground crops, and one-half of the fruit trees, I surrender from today. Also the
poll-tax paid by every inhabitant of Judea, viz., Samaria, Galilee, Perea, I
grant yon in perpetuity.” Among further concessions he promises honorable posts
in military service, a larger contribution to the Temple expenses, the
remission of the annual tax of 10,000 drachma paid by those who came to
sacrifice at Jerusalem, and that even Jews settled in Syrian provinces should
be exempt on all Sabbaths and festivals, and for three days before and after
the festivals, from being called before any court of justice.
Jonathan was prudently
deaf to these appeals. Alexander overthrew his rival, who was slain in the
battle, and Philometor offering to give the victor his daughter Cleopatra, the
marriage was celebrated at Ptolemais, Jonathan being present as a specially
honored guest. Jonathan's position henceforward was such that he was able to
aim at the extension of Jewish dominion by taking advantage of the political
condition of Syria, and obtaining, partly by demand, partly by conquest, such
concessions of power or territory as he desired. In the exercise of this
general policy he continued to support Alexander Balas when Demetrius II, son
of Demetrius I, set himself up (147 BC) as rival claimant for the throne, and
he more than once defeated Demetrius’sforces, and brought home rich booty. As
an acknowledgment of
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