past can be ignited by
some current event. It is only with distracted perception that this chance linking of past and present can occur and undermine the oppressive weight of past
traditions. Benjamin also analyzes those places concerned only with entertain-
ment, such as the expositions in Paris; they transform visitors to the level of the commodity as they enter à`phantasmagorical world.''
Following on from these theories, a variety of crucial points about place have
been developed by writers influenced in one way or another by these older
contributions. However, the kinds of points now made are diverse and mean
that the sociology of place has moved a long way from the simple and objective
dimensionality of Newtonian space and time.
The Sociology of Space and Place
13
First, it is now more clearly seen that places are not necessarily static and
unchanging (Massey, 1994, pp. 136±7). Places involve process and such pro-
cesses involve more local and much wider sets of social relations. Massey states that what I have termed localness is à`distinct mixture together in one place
[which] produce[s] effects which would not have happened otherwise'' (1994,
pp. 156, 138). Places can therefore be loosely understood as multiplex, as a set of spaces where ranges of relational networks and flows coalesce, interconnect,
and fragment. Any such place can be viewed as the particular nexus between, on
the one hand, propinquity characterized by intensely thick co-present interac-
tion, and on the other hand, fast flowing webs and networks stretched corpore-
ally, virtually and imaginatively across distances. These propinquities and
extensive networks come together to enable performances in, and of, particular
places.
In particular, places, we now know, arè`gendered.'' Men and women can have
different relations to thè`city,'' which is often dominated by male interests and by the predominant forms of representation, such as monuments, commemora-tive buildings, and historic sites, that record male activities. We also know just how important urban design is for the safe dwelling and mobility of women,
especially in those places dominated by automobility (Wilson, 1991; Ardener,
1993; Wolff, 1995; Sheller and Urry, 2000). There are, of course, complex
interconnections between such analyses and those of ethnicity. Particularly in
the USA, much focus has been placed on showing the changing spatial distribu-
tion of different ethnic groups and especially the development of a black under-
class in the inner city (Wilson, 1987). Wilson argues that this has resulted from the spatial mobility of the black middle class that in large numbers left the black areas. This has helped to undermine the bases of community life, at the same
time that such areas have been devastated by massive deindustrialization as jobs moved south and west and out to the suburbs. There is an `èmptying out of the
ghetto'' (Wacquant, 1989; Davis, 1990).
Changing gender and ethnic character is associated with cities being recon-
structed as centers for postmodern consumption (and employment); the city is
becoming a spectacle, à`dreamscape of visual consumption,'' according to
Zukin (1992, p. 221). She shows how property developers have constructed
these new landscapes of power, stage sets within which consumption can take
place, including especially wining and dining (see Bell and Valentine, 1997, on
how ``we are where we eat''). These dreamscapes pose significant problems for
people's identity, which have historically been founded on place, on where
people come from or have moved to. Yet postmodern landscapes are all about
place, such as Main Street in EuroDisney, World Fairs or Covent Garden in
London. But these are simulated places for consumption. They are barely places
that people any longer come from, or live in, or which provide much of a sense of social identity. Somewhat similarly, Sennett (1991) argues that in the contemporary
some current event. It is only with distracted perception that this chance linking of past and present can occur and undermine the oppressive weight of past
traditions. Benjamin also analyzes those places concerned only with entertain-
ment, such as the expositions in Paris; they transform visitors to the level of the commodity as they enter à`phantasmagorical world.''
Following on from these theories, a variety of crucial points about place have
been developed by writers influenced in one way or another by these older
contributions. However, the kinds of points now made are diverse and mean
that the sociology of place has moved a long way from the simple and objective
dimensionality of Newtonian space and time.
The Sociology of Space and Place
13
First, it is now more clearly seen that places are not necessarily static and
unchanging (Massey, 1994, pp. 136±7). Places involve process and such pro-
cesses involve more local and much wider sets of social relations. Massey states that what I have termed localness is à`distinct mixture together in one place
[which] produce[s] effects which would not have happened otherwise'' (1994,
pp. 156, 138). Places can therefore be loosely understood as multiplex, as a set of spaces where ranges of relational networks and flows coalesce, interconnect,
and fragment. Any such place can be viewed as the particular nexus between, on
the one hand, propinquity characterized by intensely thick co-present interac-
tion, and on the other hand, fast flowing webs and networks stretched corpore-
ally, virtually and imaginatively across distances. These propinquities and
extensive networks come together to enable performances in, and of, particular
places.
In particular, places, we now know, arè`gendered.'' Men and women can have
different relations to thè`city,'' which is often dominated by male interests and by the predominant forms of representation, such as monuments, commemora-tive buildings, and historic sites, that record male activities. We also know just how important urban design is for the safe dwelling and mobility of women,
especially in those places dominated by automobility (Wilson, 1991; Ardener,
1993; Wolff, 1995; Sheller and Urry, 2000). There are, of course, complex
interconnections between such analyses and those of ethnicity. Particularly in
the USA, much focus has been placed on showing the changing spatial distribu-
tion of different ethnic groups and especially the development of a black under-
class in the inner city (Wilson, 1987). Wilson argues that this has resulted from the spatial mobility of the black middle class that in large numbers left the black areas. This has helped to undermine the bases of community life, at the same
time that such areas have been devastated by massive deindustrialization as jobs moved south and west and out to the suburbs. There is an `èmptying out of the
ghetto'' (Wacquant, 1989; Davis, 1990).
Changing gender and ethnic character is associated with cities being recon-
structed as centers for postmodern consumption (and employment); the city is
becoming a spectacle, à`dreamscape of visual consumption,'' according to
Zukin (1992, p. 221). She shows how property developers have constructed
these new landscapes of power, stage sets within which consumption can take
place, including especially wining and dining (see Bell and Valentine, 1997, on
how ``we are where we eat''). These dreamscapes pose significant problems for
people's identity, which have historically been founded on place, on where
people come from or have moved to. Yet postmodern landscapes are all about
place, such as Main Street in EuroDisney, World Fairs or Covent Garden in
London. But these are simulated places for consumption. They are barely places
that people any longer come from, or live in, or which provide much of a sense of social identity. Somewhat similarly, Sennett (1991) argues that in the contemporary
Similar Books
