was kidnapped and by whom. It has to be the Volkspartei and they want to stop Schiller signing the Covenant.” The others showed their agreement. Hess went on. “Now we have to protect it. And ourselves,” he added ominously.
In referring to the Volkspartei, or the People’s Party, Hess knew they were pointing the finger at one man, the leader himself: Franz Molke. Molke was a political animal, a politician to his well-manicured fingernails. Enigmatic, charismatic, he had carried the German people on a wave of popular support by declaring himself an opponent of the very things that antagonised them. He persuaded the people they were being oppressed by mindless bureaucracy, interfering European Courts, continuing harassment from member governments of the European Union, not to mention the flow of migrants from Eastern Europe. His asides and skilled rhetoric were often aimed at ethnic groups and included blacks, Jews, homosexuals, illegal immigrants, asylum seekers and any other pinko liberal who did not measure up to his idea of Aryan purity. In short he was the antithesis of the modern, fence-sitting politician and was never afraid to voice his Hitler-like opinions at any given opportunity.
The five men in that room were only too aware that Germany was on the brink of achieving everything it had failed to achieve in the previous century: domination of Europe. With the introduction of the single currency in member states of the Union, tacit control would eventually be handed to the Bundesbank, which was to be known as the Central European Bank. Three hundred million souls would be at the fiscal mercy of the bank’s masters. Added to that was the certainty that all the European Governments would one day ratify the European Constitution. To control that mechanism would offer unprecedented power to its head. To have that power in a political environment where there was no potent opposition would effectively elevate a strong Chancellor of Germany to a position of supreme power over the new, super state. And the master of that super state would be at the zenith of a power that could equal the might of the United States.
Molke’s timetable was perfect. His political ascendancy started with the reunification of East and West Germany. By forming coalitions with whichever party he could deal with, his own party eventually carried almost a third of the seats in the Bundestag, the lower house and main legislative organ in the Federal Republic. By the year 2000 the Bundestag had completed its move to the new Reichstag in Berlin, the traditional heart of German Government.
Molke’s party was on course to win enough support at the next general election to form a Government. It was the belief of Eshkol, his colleagues and Manfred Schiller himself, that Molke would be the head of a new Nazi party. With control of the Bundesbank and domination of weak minded member States Molke knew they would all fall into line behind his totalitarian diktat. Molke would find it easy to engineer himself into the seat of power as President of Europe, not for the paltry six months allotted to each member state, but permanently.
As it had been so eloquently put: once you have them by the balls, their hearts and minds will follow.
Molke was also a psycho. Running parallel to his party was an organisation of thugs, criminals and other psychos. He used these people to eliminate opposition — sometimes permanently, where he believed it would be most helpful. He used all means in the book; intimidation, blackmail, and physical violence; whatever method would achieve results. The man was power crazy, intimidating and very, very clever. None of the crimes committed on his behalf could ever be traced back to him or his lieutenants.
Eshkol reflected for a moment on Hess’s remarks, knowing the threat they were under. Now the Covenant had been put together they would all have to take extreme care.
“We have to hope that Herr Schiller will not be
In referring to the Volkspartei, or the People’s Party, Hess knew they were pointing the finger at one man, the leader himself: Franz Molke. Molke was a political animal, a politician to his well-manicured fingernails. Enigmatic, charismatic, he had carried the German people on a wave of popular support by declaring himself an opponent of the very things that antagonised them. He persuaded the people they were being oppressed by mindless bureaucracy, interfering European Courts, continuing harassment from member governments of the European Union, not to mention the flow of migrants from Eastern Europe. His asides and skilled rhetoric were often aimed at ethnic groups and included blacks, Jews, homosexuals, illegal immigrants, asylum seekers and any other pinko liberal who did not measure up to his idea of Aryan purity. In short he was the antithesis of the modern, fence-sitting politician and was never afraid to voice his Hitler-like opinions at any given opportunity.
The five men in that room were only too aware that Germany was on the brink of achieving everything it had failed to achieve in the previous century: domination of Europe. With the introduction of the single currency in member states of the Union, tacit control would eventually be handed to the Bundesbank, which was to be known as the Central European Bank. Three hundred million souls would be at the fiscal mercy of the bank’s masters. Added to that was the certainty that all the European Governments would one day ratify the European Constitution. To control that mechanism would offer unprecedented power to its head. To have that power in a political environment where there was no potent opposition would effectively elevate a strong Chancellor of Germany to a position of supreme power over the new, super state. And the master of that super state would be at the zenith of a power that could equal the might of the United States.
Molke’s timetable was perfect. His political ascendancy started with the reunification of East and West Germany. By forming coalitions with whichever party he could deal with, his own party eventually carried almost a third of the seats in the Bundestag, the lower house and main legislative organ in the Federal Republic. By the year 2000 the Bundestag had completed its move to the new Reichstag in Berlin, the traditional heart of German Government.
Molke’s party was on course to win enough support at the next general election to form a Government. It was the belief of Eshkol, his colleagues and Manfred Schiller himself, that Molke would be the head of a new Nazi party. With control of the Bundesbank and domination of weak minded member States Molke knew they would all fall into line behind his totalitarian diktat. Molke would find it easy to engineer himself into the seat of power as President of Europe, not for the paltry six months allotted to each member state, but permanently.
As it had been so eloquently put: once you have them by the balls, their hearts and minds will follow.
Molke was also a psycho. Running parallel to his party was an organisation of thugs, criminals and other psychos. He used these people to eliminate opposition — sometimes permanently, where he believed it would be most helpful. He used all means in the book; intimidation, blackmail, and physical violence; whatever method would achieve results. The man was power crazy, intimidating and very, very clever. None of the crimes committed on his behalf could ever be traced back to him or his lieutenants.
Eshkol reflected for a moment on Hess’s remarks, knowing the threat they were under. Now the Covenant had been put together they would all have to take extreme care.
“We have to hope that Herr Schiller will not be
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