The Plantagenets: The Kings That Made Britain by Derek Wilson

force fell upon 1,700 vessels, which were unprotected because Philip’s troops were engaged in the siege of Ghent. They plundered and burned at will and put a stop to Philip’s invasion plans.
    John now intended a quick counter-strike, and this would have been the ideal moment for a successful campaign. Unfortunately, his barons declined to support him. By now they identified themselves as ‘English’ and had little interest in risking life and limb to help the king recover his foreign lands. In fury John marched northwards to deal with his recalcitrant barons. The newly arrived Stephen Langton hurried after him and, with difficulty, dissuaded him from vengeful action (November), but John was committed to his allies and determined to recover his territory, and he pressedon with the strategy agreed with his continental comrades. While Otto and his contingent advanced from the Low Countries, John landed at La Rochelle (February 1214) and struck northwards, crossing the Loire between Nantes and Angers. All was going well until he learned that Prince Louis was coming to meet him. Without waiting to do battle, John fled in disorder (July), claiming that retreat was forced on him by the disloyalty of his Poitevin vassals. Meanwhile, Philip faced Otto at the Battle of Bouvines, where he was victorious. This battle was one of the turning points in European history: it ended the imperial reign of Otto IV; it established Philip as the most powerful monarch in Europe; and it marked the end of the Angevin empire.
    John arrived home to a realm on the brink of rebellion. Taxed beyond endurance in order to finance what they now regarded as a lost cause, many of the barons were determined to assert their rights against the crown. And they were not alone. The senior clergy still smarted over the exactions they had suffered during the interdict, and burghers of several towns felt that the king had trampled on their ancient liberties. John met a delegation of the discontented barons in London in January 1215, listened to their demands and managed to persuade them to take no further action till Easter. In the interval, both sides sent to Rome for the support of Innocent, their liege lord.
    John now indicated his intention of going on crusade. Whether this was a serious vow or one designed to win the approval of the church and defer indefinitely having to meet his discontented subjects is not clear. What is clear is that itdid not impress the barons. Robert Fitzwalter summoned 40 malcontents to meet him at Northampton in May, and they marched on London. The rebels also knew how to cloak their actions with piety – they called their host the ‘Army of God’ – but rebels they were. They had renounced their obedience to John and sent to Philip II for aid. For his part, John brought in foreign mercenaries. Fitzwalter’s men made a valuable coup when the gates of London were thrown open to them by dissident citizens. Exeter and Lincoln also sided with the rebels.
    John now knew that he would have to discuss the barons’ grievances or, at least, make a show of so doing. The king was at Windsor, and the rebels had pitched their camp at Staines, so a midway location was decided on, a Thameside meadow at Runnymede. There both parties met on 15 June 1215. John set his seal to a draft agreement called the Articles of the Barons and, on the 19th of the month, after four days of haggling and transcribing, Magna Carta was ready to receive endorsement with the great seal.
    Now considered to be the foundation stone of English constitutional rights, the Magna Carta did not have that significance at the time. As a document guaranteeing the liberties of John’s subjects, it failed because John simply ignored it. But it was a unique and novel definition of the relationship between king and people, and, once that definition had been made, it could not be unmade.
    Magna Carta was a list of demands under 63 headings, drafted principally by Archbishop Stephen