Thomas Jefferson's Qur'an: Islam and the Founders by Denise A. Spellberg

Terrorism
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), xii–xiii; Timothy Marr,
The Cultural Roots of American Islamicism
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 5–9. One exception to this pattern is David S. Reynolds,
Faith in Fiction: The Emergence of Religious Literature in America
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), 15–20. Most recently, Edward E. Curtis IV, “Stereotypes,” in
Encyclopedia of Muslim-American History
, ed. Edward E. Curtis IV, 2 vols. (New York: Facts on File, 2010), 2:529–30.
    3. Kidd,
American Christians and Islam
, 11–12, 15–17.
    4. Allison,
Crescent Obscured
, 35, 57–59.
    5. The historian who first noted, “There was a Christian picture in which the details (even under the pressure of facts) were abandoned as little as possible, and in which the general outline was never abandoned.… There were shades of difference, but only within a common framework,” is Norman Daniel,
Islam and the West: The Making of an Image
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1966), quote on 260. See also R. W. Southern,
Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962), 91–92, 108–9; Edward Said,
Orientalism
(New York: Vintage, 1994), 61–73; Daniel J. Sahas,
John of Damascus on the “Heresy of the Ishmaelites”
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972), 127–59; John Tolan,
Saracens: Islam in the Medieval European Imagination
(New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 40–67.
    6. Daniel,
Islam and the West
, 184–88. The idea that, with the exception of John of Damascus in the eighth century, Islam was perceived until the twelfth century as a form of idolatry or paganism has been documented by Daniel,
Islam and the West
, 70, 105–34; Sahas,
Heresy of the Ishmaelites
, 93–95, 131–37; Alberto Ferreiro,
Simon Magus in Patristic, Medieval, and Early Modern Traditions
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2005), 221; Frederick Quinn,
The Sum of All Heresies: The Image of Islam in Western Thought
(New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 24–43, 221. The idea of the heretical Christian monk was described first as an Arian by John of Damascus; Daniel,
Islam and the West
, 4–5. The same monk later was referred to as a heretical Nestorian Christian. Later, his name was revealed as Sergius (or in Islamic texts Bahira); see Susan R. Boettcher, “Insiders and Outsiders,” in
Reformation Christianity
, ed. Peter Matheson (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007), 239.
    7. Robert Fuller,
Naming the Antichrist: The History of an American Obsession
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), 3, 33, 157.
    8. Quoted in George W. Forrell, “Luther and the War Against the Turks,”
Church History
14, no. 4 (December 1945): 264.
    9. R. W. Scribner,
For the Sake of the Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), 182–83, plates 150–52. My thanks go to Caroline Castiglione for this reference.
    10. Daniel,
Islam and the West
, 184–85.
    11. Nabil Matar,
Islam in Britain, 1558–1685
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 110.
    12. Forrell, “Luther and the War Against the Turks,” 260.
    13. Quinn,
Sum of All Heresies
, 44.
    14. Forrell, “Luther and the War Against the Turks,” 259, 263 (quote); Adams S. Francisco,
Martin Luther and Islam: A Study in Sixteenth-Century Polemics and Apologetics
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2007), 4–5, 45–69, 75–121, 174–237; Sean Foley, “Muslims and Social Change in the Atlantic Basin,”
Journal of World History
20, no. 3 (2009): 380–85; Egil Grislis, “Luther and the Turks,”
Muslim World
64, no. 3 (July 1974): 180.
    15. Quoted in Tolan,
Saracens
, 275.
    16. Quinn,
Sum of All Heresies
, 44; Tolan,
Saracens
, 275.
    17. Margaret Meserve,
Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 14; Elizabeth L. Eisenstein,
The Printing Press as an Agent of Change
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 3.
    18. Quoted in Jan Slomp,