the logic behind their strategy.”
“I’ve been thinking about it as well,” said Eales. “There’s a logic there, Joe. I hate to admit it, but there is. As to how they tried to execute what they were doing . . . They’re such damn liars, that’s the problem. Who knows what to believe?”
That was exactly what Benton thought. There was a logic to what they had said, he couldn’t get away from that. He wished he could convince himself there wasn’t, but each time he thought about it, the more convincing it seemed.
“Al Graham wants us to respond to Nleki as well,” said Eales. “Have you spoken with him?”
“Not yet.”
“He’s going to call. He thinks he’s got State. He’s just waiting for you to tell him.” Eales paused. “I had a thought last night, on the way home. Joe, I think you should see Larry Olsen.”
Benton looked at him in surprise.
“Even if only to get a point of view. I’m not saying you necessarily want him at State. But we’re in a whole new scenario. Everyone around you is going to say the same thing—put it out there into Kyoto and go lead the process. You heard Alan. You ask Al Graham, and he’ll tell you that more than anyone. Joe, you’ve got to talk to someone who doesn’t say that. You’ve got to at least hear that point of view.”
There was a knock on the door. Ben Hoffman came in to see if the senator was ready for his next meeting.
They headed out of Eales’s office.
“How do you know Olsen won’t say I should do the same as all the others?” asked Benton.
“Larry Olsen?” Eales laughed. “If he says you should, then you really know there’s no alternative.”
~ * ~
The meeting was about progress on preparations for the Relocation summit, which was now set for the sixth and seventh of December in Cincinnati. Benton was about to take a three-day tour of cities in the west whose mayors had pledged their towns as lead reception communities, and before he went he wanted to make sure the summit was on track, not only to deliver the right message about his determination to radically upgrade the Relocation program, but to generate substantive discussion among the participants from which real initiatives could develop. A number of Benton’s policy aides summarized the papers they were preparing. Afterward, a call came through from Al Graham. Benton took it in the car on the way to a meeting on job creation policy with the leadership of the AFL-CIO.
Graham was as bullish on Nleki’s statement as Eales had said he was. He didn’t want to stop at issuing a statement. His advice was to set up a meeting with the secretary-general. Benton told him he didn’t think that was a good idea.
“Joe, it’ll show how strong you are in your commitment to Kyoto.”
“People know I’m strong in my commitments,” replied Benton. “That’s why they elected me.”
“I’m not questioning that.”
“They don’t want to hear me keep saying stuff, they want to see me start doing stuff.”
“That’s why you should meet him,” said Graham. “That’s doing something.”
“Al, meeting Nleki’s not doing something. It’s just saying the same thing with a different guy in the room.”
“With respect, Joe, Nleki’s not just any other guy.”
“Al,” said Benton, “all I’ll be doing is saying the same stuff I’ve already been saying. Let’s leave this, all right?”
It took a little longer for Graham to get the message. Benton glanced at Eales and shook his head impatiently.
Then Graham asked about progress on appointments.
“The economic and domestic teams are my priority at the moment,” said the senator.
“Sure. I’ve got some thoughts for the UN ambassador. Sandy Murdoch could do it. Benny Chopra would be good. Should we meet to talk about it?”
“Send the names to Naylor.”
“I think we should meet.”
“Al, you
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