things we haven’t even started doing now?”
Heather didn’t say anything. She watched him.
“Our whole trajectory might have been different. Maybe we wouldn’t need Relocation. We’d be in a whole different place. The whole world would. That would be something, wouldn’t it?”
Heather nodded. “It would be something,” she murmured.
Joe thought about it. Then he shook his head. “You know, I think I was wrong that night. I don’t think things would’ve been too different if Gore had got in. He would have had to work with a Republican Congress. Would he have had the strength and the smarts to push them around?” He shook his head again. “By the time that election came around, I don’t think Al Gore knew who he was anymore. Took that defeat for him to find out.”
“And win a Nobel Prize.”
“For raising awareness. I don’t think that says he would have been an effective president. To be effective as a president... I realize it’s a little early for me to speak, but to be a good president, you need to know who you are. I think you really need to know who you are.”
“And do you know who you are, Joe?”
“I hope I do.” Joe frowned. “I guess I’m going to find out.” He gazed at Heather. Then he smiled. “Where’s Amy?” he said. “Wasn’t she supposed to be home from Stanford last weekend?”
“That’s next weekend, honey.”
~ * ~
Friday, November 19
Benton Transition Headquarters,
Lafayette Towers, Washington, D.C.
It was the Pakistani president who had requested the call. The stability of Nabeel Badur’s regime depended on the American forces in the country, and his purpose in calling had ostensibly been to outline his plans for reimposing government control over the area along the Afghan border. In reality, Benton knew, Badur was trying to assure himself that a new Democratic president wasn’t going to haul the troops out of Pakistan. Benton’s line during the campaign had been that once he was elected he would initiate a thorough review of the aims of the U.S. presence. In the call, Badur had given Benton plenty of opportunities to commit himself to ongoing military support. Benton adroitly avoided them. There was no way he was going to commit his administration to anything, even in a private conversation with Badur, before he had a secretary of state and a secretary of defense.
Eales had been listening in and doing the note-taking. When the call finished, they discussed it briefly. Then Eales brought the conversation back to the meeting of the previous night.
“That Roosevelt thing was interesting,” he said. “I just wanted to see where the idea might take us. Jackie was right. It ties us to the problem, not the solution. What’s interesting is that Jackie and Alan both found reasons to oppose making it public right away. Even though they both think you should take this into the Kyoto process, neither of them thought you should come out with it on day one. Even when I pushed, I couldn’t get them to say you should.”
Benton had noticed that.
“It’s kind of interesting,” said Eales. “Anyway, what about Nleki?”
Earlier that morning, at a press conference in Warsaw with the Polish president, the UN secretary-general, Joseph Nleki, had said that he was expecting an early affirmation by Senator Benton of his campaign promise to commit the United States fully to the Kyoto 4 process.
“Nleki’s just pushing,” said Benton. “He knows my position.”
“You don’t want to respond, right? Jodie wants us to. I’ll talk to her. Your position’s well known and it hasn’t changed.”
Benton nodded. The strength and consistency of his support for Kyoto 4 during the campaign meant he could avoid making a new statement. And he didn’t want to make a new statement, not right now.
“I’ve been thinking about what Gartner and Riedl said the other day. About
Heather didn’t say anything. She watched him.
“Our whole trajectory might have been different. Maybe we wouldn’t need Relocation. We’d be in a whole different place. The whole world would. That would be something, wouldn’t it?”
Heather nodded. “It would be something,” she murmured.
Joe thought about it. Then he shook his head. “You know, I think I was wrong that night. I don’t think things would’ve been too different if Gore had got in. He would have had to work with a Republican Congress. Would he have had the strength and the smarts to push them around?” He shook his head again. “By the time that election came around, I don’t think Al Gore knew who he was anymore. Took that defeat for him to find out.”
“And win a Nobel Prize.”
“For raising awareness. I don’t think that says he would have been an effective president. To be effective as a president... I realize it’s a little early for me to speak, but to be a good president, you need to know who you are. I think you really need to know who you are.”
“And do you know who you are, Joe?”
“I hope I do.” Joe frowned. “I guess I’m going to find out.” He gazed at Heather. Then he smiled. “Where’s Amy?” he said. “Wasn’t she supposed to be home from Stanford last weekend?”
“That’s next weekend, honey.”
~ * ~
Friday, November 19
Benton Transition Headquarters,
Lafayette Towers, Washington, D.C.
It was the Pakistani president who had requested the call. The stability of Nabeel Badur’s regime depended on the American forces in the country, and his purpose in calling had ostensibly been to outline his plans for reimposing government control over the area along the Afghan border. In reality, Benton knew, Badur was trying to assure himself that a new Democratic president wasn’t going to haul the troops out of Pakistan. Benton’s line during the campaign had been that once he was elected he would initiate a thorough review of the aims of the U.S. presence. In the call, Badur had given Benton plenty of opportunities to commit himself to ongoing military support. Benton adroitly avoided them. There was no way he was going to commit his administration to anything, even in a private conversation with Badur, before he had a secretary of state and a secretary of defense.
Eales had been listening in and doing the note-taking. When the call finished, they discussed it briefly. Then Eales brought the conversation back to the meeting of the previous night.
“That Roosevelt thing was interesting,” he said. “I just wanted to see where the idea might take us. Jackie was right. It ties us to the problem, not the solution. What’s interesting is that Jackie and Alan both found reasons to oppose making it public right away. Even though they both think you should take this into the Kyoto process, neither of them thought you should come out with it on day one. Even when I pushed, I couldn’t get them to say you should.”
Benton had noticed that.
“It’s kind of interesting,” said Eales. “Anyway, what about Nleki?”
Earlier that morning, at a press conference in Warsaw with the Polish president, the UN secretary-general, Joseph Nleki, had said that he was expecting an early affirmation by Senator Benton of his campaign promise to commit the United States fully to the Kyoto 4 process.
“Nleki’s just pushing,” said Benton. “He knows my position.”
“You don’t want to respond, right? Jodie wants us to. I’ll talk to her. Your position’s well known and it hasn’t changed.”
Benton nodded. The strength and consistency of his support for Kyoto 4 during the campaign meant he could avoid making a new statement. And he didn’t want to make a new statement, not right now.
“I’ve been thinking about what Gartner and Riedl said the other day. About
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