and moderate conservatives with an eye to the
advancement of commerce – this house of cards, Robert assured the
delegates, had begun to collapse under the weight of armed civil
conflict, widespread social unrest, repeated crop failures, and the
paralysis of the banking system. While they might be able to elect
a majority in Canada West, they would be unable to operate
cohesively in the new Assembly. It could be taken for granted,
Robert concluded with the hint of a smile, that each Tory
splinter-group would defend its own shrinking turf and that their
right-wing counterparts from Quebec would do the same.
Marc noted with satisfaction that the French
delegates seated across the conference table from him were
listening intently as he took Robert’s workmanlike English and
rendered it into passable French. He could tell from their
expressions that they realized only one conclusion could be drawn
from Robert’s initial analysis: the new joint Assembly would be
ripe for a takeover by any group with a coherent policy and shared
goals. And such a group might conceivably be comprised of
reform-minded members from two sources who were thought to be
implacable antagonists: alienated, French-speaking rebels and
non-combatant, English-speaking politicians. Even Tremblay’s
perpetual scowl softened for a moment at that delicious
possibility. LaFontaine himself, Marc noted, spent most of his time
observing his own countrymen from his position at the far end of
the table.
“So you see, gentlemen,” Robert summed up,
“the opportunity to seize control of the Assembly is going to
present itself. Of that there can be no doubt. The question is, can
we form a party of Rouge and Reform with common goals and
policies?”
At this remark, everyone turned to
LaFontaine, but he said nothing. His expression was impassive. He
simply waited, unperturbed, as the silence grew and bright sunlight
poured into the room from the high windows in the south wall.
Daniel Bérubé cleared his throat nosily.
“What’s the use of controlling the Assembly when the Legislative
Councillors will be appointed for life by the governor and will
have the authority to thwart our progressive legislation, as they
have done in the past?”
“Half of them will be appointed from Quebec,”
Hincks pointed out.
“And of those, how many will be English, eh?”
Tremblay said, breaking his self-imposed silence. “And how many
members will be Chasseurs ?” he added, alluding to the name
the French patriots had given to their doomed revolutionary
organization.
“We’ll end up with the same sort of deadlock
we’ve always had,” Bérubé insisted.
LaFontaine made no effort to intervene in
this sharp exchange.
“Gentlemen,” Robert said quietly, “I realize
that these are critical questions, but please bear with us. Francis
and I have developed a plan to achieve our goals that is predicated
on moving one important step at a time. The first step, upon which
agreement must be reached or the entire project abandoned, is this:
do we have in common a set of policies and priorities stable enough
to build a functioning political party upon? And I’m referring to
fiscal, economic, legal and social policies. Further, do we share a
vision of the future for two provinces, two cultures and two
languages? If we don’t, then I suggest we have a good supper, shake
hands and go our separate ways.”
“You’re asking us to postpone the other
questions while we talk over the nitty-gritty items – like trade
and the money supply?” Bérubé said.
“And education and land grants and public
works,” Hincks said.
“Exactly,” Robert said. “It seems to me that
these are issues that have turned all of us in this room into
reformers of one kind or another.”
Tremblay, Bérubé and Bergeron (who had said
nothing but had taken everything in) now looked at their leader.
LaFontaine nodded. Marc could hear the sigh of relief uttered by
Hincks sitting next to him.
“Right,
advancement of commerce – this house of cards, Robert assured the
delegates, had begun to collapse under the weight of armed civil
conflict, widespread social unrest, repeated crop failures, and the
paralysis of the banking system. While they might be able to elect
a majority in Canada West, they would be unable to operate
cohesively in the new Assembly. It could be taken for granted,
Robert concluded with the hint of a smile, that each Tory
splinter-group would defend its own shrinking turf and that their
right-wing counterparts from Quebec would do the same.
Marc noted with satisfaction that the French
delegates seated across the conference table from him were
listening intently as he took Robert’s workmanlike English and
rendered it into passable French. He could tell from their
expressions that they realized only one conclusion could be drawn
from Robert’s initial analysis: the new joint Assembly would be
ripe for a takeover by any group with a coherent policy and shared
goals. And such a group might conceivably be comprised of
reform-minded members from two sources who were thought to be
implacable antagonists: alienated, French-speaking rebels and
non-combatant, English-speaking politicians. Even Tremblay’s
perpetual scowl softened for a moment at that delicious
possibility. LaFontaine himself, Marc noted, spent most of his time
observing his own countrymen from his position at the far end of
the table.
“So you see, gentlemen,” Robert summed up,
“the opportunity to seize control of the Assembly is going to
present itself. Of that there can be no doubt. The question is, can
we form a party of Rouge and Reform with common goals and
policies?”
At this remark, everyone turned to
LaFontaine, but he said nothing. His expression was impassive. He
simply waited, unperturbed, as the silence grew and bright sunlight
poured into the room from the high windows in the south wall.
Daniel Bérubé cleared his throat nosily.
“What’s the use of controlling the Assembly when the Legislative
Councillors will be appointed for life by the governor and will
have the authority to thwart our progressive legislation, as they
have done in the past?”
“Half of them will be appointed from Quebec,”
Hincks pointed out.
“And of those, how many will be English, eh?”
Tremblay said, breaking his self-imposed silence. “And how many
members will be Chasseurs ?” he added, alluding to the name
the French patriots had given to their doomed revolutionary
organization.
“We’ll end up with the same sort of deadlock
we’ve always had,” Bérubé insisted.
LaFontaine made no effort to intervene in
this sharp exchange.
“Gentlemen,” Robert said quietly, “I realize
that these are critical questions, but please bear with us. Francis
and I have developed a plan to achieve our goals that is predicated
on moving one important step at a time. The first step, upon which
agreement must be reached or the entire project abandoned, is this:
do we have in common a set of policies and priorities stable enough
to build a functioning political party upon? And I’m referring to
fiscal, economic, legal and social policies. Further, do we share a
vision of the future for two provinces, two cultures and two
languages? If we don’t, then I suggest we have a good supper, shake
hands and go our separate ways.”
“You’re asking us to postpone the other
questions while we talk over the nitty-gritty items – like trade
and the money supply?” Bérubé said.
“And education and land grants and public
works,” Hincks said.
“Exactly,” Robert said. “It seems to me that
these are issues that have turned all of us in this room into
reformers of one kind or another.”
Tremblay, Bérubé and Bergeron (who had said
nothing but had taken everything in) now looked at their leader.
LaFontaine nodded. Marc could hear the sigh of relief uttered by
Hincks sitting next to him.
“Right,
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