carefully keep his
distance whenever he could, and offer any necessary directives with
a curt nod or small wave of his right hand. Certainly this
discretion on his part was in marked contrast to the loud
dressing-down he had given Bragg earlier in the foyer. And although
Marc realized that he had taken a dislike to Chilton (who reminded
him of supercilious servants he had encountered as a youth back in
England), he nonetheless felt sorry for him. It was not easy
replacing a long-time and much revered employee in a settled
household.
When Garnet Macaulay indicated that luncheon
was concluded and suggested that the gentlemen meet in the library
for the inaugural session of their conference, LaFontaine nodded
agreement and said in carefully enunciated English, “Please offer
my congratulations to your cook for a most delicious meal. We look
forward to supper with as much anticipation as we do the
conversations to come.”
Macaulay’s cook, Mrs. Noreen Blodgett, was
renowned throughout the capital and beyond, and Macaulay smiled
broadly on her behalf. The historic gathering had gotten off to a
fine start.
***
It was decided that the Quebec delegates would speak
in French, slowly and formally where possible, and the Upper
Canadians likewise in English. And while much would be understood
by the listeners on both sides, Marc would translate the gist of a
given speech and be available for clarifications as matters
progressed. It was not an ideal protocol for a set of tough
negotiations among participants who felt variously aggrieved and
alienated, but it would have to do. On the positive side, more than
a dozen lengthy letters had been exchanged between LaFontaine and
Hincks since September, so that the main points of contention and
initial positions were already known. It was the presence of
LaFontaine’s associates that was worrisome.
It was also decided that no written record of
the meetings would be made. Individuals could make notes if they
wished to and pen private summaries after each session, where
desirable. But only if a formal accord were reached by Friday would
anything be crystallized in writing. It was assumed, of course,
that all participants were honourable, sincere, and cognizant of
the need for continuing secrecy – whatever the outcome.
No-one objected to Robert Baldwin beginning
the debate by outlining the general plan and its principal
objectives, for it had been he and Hincks who had conceived it and
made overtures to the Quebec radicals through LaFontaine. In his
plain, forthright style, Robert presented the scheme as if his
audience were hearing it for the first time, which, in the case of
LaFontaine’s associates, might well be true. The proposed new
Legislative Assembly would be composed of forty-two members elected
from Lower Canada (to be renamed Canada East) and forty-two from
Upper Canada (to be renamed Canada West). The united provinces
would be called, simply, Canada or, more familiarly, the Canadas.
If the anticipated elections were fair and gerrymandering held to a
minimum, they might assume that a sizeable number of parti
Rouge members would be returned from Canada East, as there had
been widespread support for its active involvement in the armed
uprising and even for the violent incursions from the United States
that had followed it in 1838. Those members of the French
establishment remaining after the social upheaval of a decade –
seigneurs, churchmen, and the few entrepreneurs and placeholders
who had thrived under British rule – would make sure that a rump
group of their own reached the new Assembly as the Bleu party.
Meanwhile in Canada West, the fractured and
dispersed Reformers were slowly regrouping, and hoped to take
fifteen or more seats of their allotted forty-two. Their opponents
were now irretrievably splintered. The expedient coalition of
raucous Orangemen, recalcitrant churchmen, dyed-in-the-wool
royalists, Family Compact opportunists propped up by successive
Governors,
distance whenever he could, and offer any necessary directives with
a curt nod or small wave of his right hand. Certainly this
discretion on his part was in marked contrast to the loud
dressing-down he had given Bragg earlier in the foyer. And although
Marc realized that he had taken a dislike to Chilton (who reminded
him of supercilious servants he had encountered as a youth back in
England), he nonetheless felt sorry for him. It was not easy
replacing a long-time and much revered employee in a settled
household.
When Garnet Macaulay indicated that luncheon
was concluded and suggested that the gentlemen meet in the library
for the inaugural session of their conference, LaFontaine nodded
agreement and said in carefully enunciated English, “Please offer
my congratulations to your cook for a most delicious meal. We look
forward to supper with as much anticipation as we do the
conversations to come.”
Macaulay’s cook, Mrs. Noreen Blodgett, was
renowned throughout the capital and beyond, and Macaulay smiled
broadly on her behalf. The historic gathering had gotten off to a
fine start.
***
It was decided that the Quebec delegates would speak
in French, slowly and formally where possible, and the Upper
Canadians likewise in English. And while much would be understood
by the listeners on both sides, Marc would translate the gist of a
given speech and be available for clarifications as matters
progressed. It was not an ideal protocol for a set of tough
negotiations among participants who felt variously aggrieved and
alienated, but it would have to do. On the positive side, more than
a dozen lengthy letters had been exchanged between LaFontaine and
Hincks since September, so that the main points of contention and
initial positions were already known. It was the presence of
LaFontaine’s associates that was worrisome.
It was also decided that no written record of
the meetings would be made. Individuals could make notes if they
wished to and pen private summaries after each session, where
desirable. But only if a formal accord were reached by Friday would
anything be crystallized in writing. It was assumed, of course,
that all participants were honourable, sincere, and cognizant of
the need for continuing secrecy – whatever the outcome.
No-one objected to Robert Baldwin beginning
the debate by outlining the general plan and its principal
objectives, for it had been he and Hincks who had conceived it and
made overtures to the Quebec radicals through LaFontaine. In his
plain, forthright style, Robert presented the scheme as if his
audience were hearing it for the first time, which, in the case of
LaFontaine’s associates, might well be true. The proposed new
Legislative Assembly would be composed of forty-two members elected
from Lower Canada (to be renamed Canada East) and forty-two from
Upper Canada (to be renamed Canada West). The united provinces
would be called, simply, Canada or, more familiarly, the Canadas.
If the anticipated elections were fair and gerrymandering held to a
minimum, they might assume that a sizeable number of parti
Rouge members would be returned from Canada East, as there had
been widespread support for its active involvement in the armed
uprising and even for the violent incursions from the United States
that had followed it in 1838. Those members of the French
establishment remaining after the social upheaval of a decade –
seigneurs, churchmen, and the few entrepreneurs and placeholders
who had thrived under British rule – would make sure that a rump
group of their own reached the new Assembly as the Bleu party.
Meanwhile in Canada West, the fractured and
dispersed Reformers were slowly regrouping, and hoped to take
fifteen or more seats of their allotted forty-two. Their opponents
were now irretrievably splintered. The expedient coalition of
raucous Orangemen, recalcitrant churchmen, dyed-in-the-wool
royalists, Family Compact opportunists propped up by successive
Governors,
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