the ayatollah’s plane landed. I watched as Khomeini approached the microphone after a fanfare of welcoming songs and introductory speeches.
“We have to thank all classes of people of this nation. For this victory up to now has been due to the unity of voice, the unity of voice of all Muslims, the unity of all religious minorities, unity of scholars and students, unity of clergies and all political factions. We must all understand this secret: that the unity of voice is the cause for success and we must not lose this secret to success and, God forbid, not allow the devils to cause dissent among your ranks. I thank all of you and pray for your health and glory and ask Allah to cut off the hands of foreigners and their cohorts.”
With that, he left the microphone to greet the millions who had come to declare themselves to him.
Khomeini promised the nation that no one would ever have to pay for such public utilities as electricity, water, telephone, and other services. He promised political freedom. The clergy would only improve the spiritual life of the people and would not interfere with the government. He also said that the people’s share of oil money would be delivered to their doorsteps. In his first major speech to a huge crowd in Tehran, he criticized the shah for his oppression, invited all Iranians to join the revolution, and promised a government run by the people and for the people.
Who could believe that any man could bring about the fall of the shah, king of kings? This unknown cleric had toppled the Persian kingdom simply by speaking to the people, as the Prophet Mohammad had. He vowed to kick the U.S.A. out of Iran, calling it “the Great Satan.” The man was afraid of nothing. Many truly believed God was on his side. And so, apparently, did he.
While we continued our support of the revolution at the ISA, some Iranians still loyal to the shah gathered on the streets of LA and other major cities in America to protest the rise of Khomeini and to demand the return of the shah. To oppose this, we marched down the streets of the city carrying posters of Khomeini and shouting, with fists in the air, “God is great! Khomeini is our leader!”
Inevitably, the two forces met. During one of our demonstrations, we ran into a crowd of Shah supporters furious that we were backingthe ayatollah. “We are Persians with so much pride and dignity,” said a middle-aged woman carrying an Iranian flag in one hand and a picture of Mohammad Reza Shah in the other. “We don’t need a mullah to rule our country. He will destroy our kingdom and its dynasty. Did you hear what Khomeini said when an American reporter asked how he felt going back home?
Hichi!
He said he felt nothing.” She shook her head. “How could you have no feeling for your country?” She turned her back to our crowd and waved her flag. “
Dorood bar shah.
Long live Shahanshah. Down with Khomeini.”
Inside Iran, the grassroots movement forming behind Khomeini was so powerful that shah loyalists declared martial law. Thousands of Iranians galvanized by Khomeini’s return demonstrated anyway, and soldiers opened fire on them. Citizens took up arms, rampaged on military bases, broke open the armories, and passed out military armaments to the people. A week after Khomeini’s arrival in Iran, Kazem and Naser called me together. It was the first time they’d ever done that.
“We were at the Eshrat Abad Garrison today,” Kazem said. “We forced them to surrender.”
Then Naser jumped in. “We each got our J-three machine guns, Reza.”
They were shouting, laughing, and talking at the same time. They had so much energy that I could barely understand them. “Wait, wait, guys. What’s going on? One at a time.”
Kazem explained that they were among the demonstrators attacking the garrisons around the city of Tehran. They forced the shah’s soldiers out to the street and disarmed them. Meanwhile, others entered the facilities and took away the
“We have to thank all classes of people of this nation. For this victory up to now has been due to the unity of voice, the unity of voice of all Muslims, the unity of all religious minorities, unity of scholars and students, unity of clergies and all political factions. We must all understand this secret: that the unity of voice is the cause for success and we must not lose this secret to success and, God forbid, not allow the devils to cause dissent among your ranks. I thank all of you and pray for your health and glory and ask Allah to cut off the hands of foreigners and their cohorts.”
With that, he left the microphone to greet the millions who had come to declare themselves to him.
Khomeini promised the nation that no one would ever have to pay for such public utilities as electricity, water, telephone, and other services. He promised political freedom. The clergy would only improve the spiritual life of the people and would not interfere with the government. He also said that the people’s share of oil money would be delivered to their doorsteps. In his first major speech to a huge crowd in Tehran, he criticized the shah for his oppression, invited all Iranians to join the revolution, and promised a government run by the people and for the people.
Who could believe that any man could bring about the fall of the shah, king of kings? This unknown cleric had toppled the Persian kingdom simply by speaking to the people, as the Prophet Mohammad had. He vowed to kick the U.S.A. out of Iran, calling it “the Great Satan.” The man was afraid of nothing. Many truly believed God was on his side. And so, apparently, did he.
While we continued our support of the revolution at the ISA, some Iranians still loyal to the shah gathered on the streets of LA and other major cities in America to protest the rise of Khomeini and to demand the return of the shah. To oppose this, we marched down the streets of the city carrying posters of Khomeini and shouting, with fists in the air, “God is great! Khomeini is our leader!”
Inevitably, the two forces met. During one of our demonstrations, we ran into a crowd of Shah supporters furious that we were backingthe ayatollah. “We are Persians with so much pride and dignity,” said a middle-aged woman carrying an Iranian flag in one hand and a picture of Mohammad Reza Shah in the other. “We don’t need a mullah to rule our country. He will destroy our kingdom and its dynasty. Did you hear what Khomeini said when an American reporter asked how he felt going back home?
Hichi!
He said he felt nothing.” She shook her head. “How could you have no feeling for your country?” She turned her back to our crowd and waved her flag. “
Dorood bar shah.
Long live Shahanshah. Down with Khomeini.”
Inside Iran, the grassroots movement forming behind Khomeini was so powerful that shah loyalists declared martial law. Thousands of Iranians galvanized by Khomeini’s return demonstrated anyway, and soldiers opened fire on them. Citizens took up arms, rampaged on military bases, broke open the armories, and passed out military armaments to the people. A week after Khomeini’s arrival in Iran, Kazem and Naser called me together. It was the first time they’d ever done that.
“We were at the Eshrat Abad Garrison today,” Kazem said. “We forced them to surrender.”
Then Naser jumped in. “We each got our J-three machine guns, Reza.”
They were shouting, laughing, and talking at the same time. They had so much energy that I could barely understand them. “Wait, wait, guys. What’s going on? One at a time.”
Kazem explained that they were among the demonstrators attacking the garrisons around the city of Tehran. They forced the shah’s soldiers out to the street and disarmed them. Meanwhile, others entered the facilities and took away the
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