ISA, held meetings at their house. We knew that the political tension in Iran was building. People had started to criticize the shah openly. This led to the SAVAK turning Iran into something very close to a police state, which in turn drew the wrath of the international community. When Jimmy Carter became president, he denied U.S. aid to Iran in protest over the shah’s human rights violations. Consequently, the shah, in an effort to show the West he was making progress toward liberalizing his policies, released a few political prisoners.
He also assumed, incorrectly, that these token gestures would stop the protests. But the movement against him was already under way.
Iranians felt ready to sacrifice.
We needed a leader.
4
SHAH
RAFT
:
THE REVOLUTION
WHEN MY FRIEND Mani at the Islamic Students’ Association called to ask me to come to a meeting in the fall of 1978, he had an almost uncontrollable sense of excitement in his voice. To say the least, this intrigued me. I skipped my evening class and instead jumped in my car and rushed to his house. When I got there, I found a group of young Iranian students listening intently to a man’s voice on a cassette tape. I asked someone what we were listening to and he told me to be quiet before returning his focus to the speech. Realizing that this had to be what had gotten Mani so excited, I listened as well.
“A nation that doesn’t have freedom does not have civilization. A civilized nation is one that is free. …”
Some in the crowd uttered, “Yes.”
“There should be freedom of the press and people should have the right to their opinion. …”
The people in the room grew more excited and I wondered about the man who was speaking. I couldn’t recognize his voice. Had he become an important figure in Iran while I was away? Did Naser and Kazem know about him?
“This shah, this Yazid, this servant of America, this agent of Israel, needs to be overthrown and kicked out of Iran. …”
Many erupted in shouts of approval. I grew more excited myself; I loved what I was hearing. The speaker was incredibly bold, evencomparing the shah to Yazid, the ruthless ruler who had ordered the death of Imam Hussein. Iranians view Yazid as one of the most despicable human beings of all time.
“We need an Islamic government, independent of the superpowers, where all Iranians enjoy the wealth and not a specific few. We want to improve not only your material life but also your spiritual life. They have taken our spirituality. We need spirituality. …”
He was speaking for all of us—for Kazem’s people, for Naser’s idealist family, for my spiritual grandmother.
“In our government, clergy will not govern but help you with your spirituality. In our government, women will be free, and officials can be publicly criticized. …”
These were the words of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the man who would change Iran in ways we could only imagine then. He was a stirring speaker, even though he was not a great orator. He spoke plainly and sometimes repetitively. Yet his voice radiated a steadiness of purpose. His appeal was not intellectual. It was primal. Over the next few minutes, I would discover that he had inspired a movement in Iran, one that passed his tapes through the black market all over the world as if he were a rock star.
I had so many questions about him. I sought out Mani and Farzin, who were talking to each other at the corner of their kitchen.
“Glad you made it, Reza,” Mani said.
Farzin beamed with excitement. “What did you think of Ayatollah Khomeini?”
I shook my head in wonder. “I could not believe what I was hearing. He is a true leader. His message of political freedom and equality is stunning. But where has he been?”
Mani told me that the shah first imprisoned the ayatollah in the early sixties because of his strong criticism of the government before exiling him to Najaf, Iraq. The ayatollah had been calling for the fall of the shah ever
He also assumed, incorrectly, that these token gestures would stop the protests. But the movement against him was already under way.
Iranians felt ready to sacrifice.
We needed a leader.
4
SHAH
RAFT
:
THE REVOLUTION
WHEN MY FRIEND Mani at the Islamic Students’ Association called to ask me to come to a meeting in the fall of 1978, he had an almost uncontrollable sense of excitement in his voice. To say the least, this intrigued me. I skipped my evening class and instead jumped in my car and rushed to his house. When I got there, I found a group of young Iranian students listening intently to a man’s voice on a cassette tape. I asked someone what we were listening to and he told me to be quiet before returning his focus to the speech. Realizing that this had to be what had gotten Mani so excited, I listened as well.
“A nation that doesn’t have freedom does not have civilization. A civilized nation is one that is free. …”
Some in the crowd uttered, “Yes.”
“There should be freedom of the press and people should have the right to their opinion. …”
The people in the room grew more excited and I wondered about the man who was speaking. I couldn’t recognize his voice. Had he become an important figure in Iran while I was away? Did Naser and Kazem know about him?
“This shah, this Yazid, this servant of America, this agent of Israel, needs to be overthrown and kicked out of Iran. …”
Many erupted in shouts of approval. I grew more excited myself; I loved what I was hearing. The speaker was incredibly bold, evencomparing the shah to Yazid, the ruthless ruler who had ordered the death of Imam Hussein. Iranians view Yazid as one of the most despicable human beings of all time.
“We need an Islamic government, independent of the superpowers, where all Iranians enjoy the wealth and not a specific few. We want to improve not only your material life but also your spiritual life. They have taken our spirituality. We need spirituality. …”
He was speaking for all of us—for Kazem’s people, for Naser’s idealist family, for my spiritual grandmother.
“In our government, clergy will not govern but help you with your spirituality. In our government, women will be free, and officials can be publicly criticized. …”
These were the words of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the man who would change Iran in ways we could only imagine then. He was a stirring speaker, even though he was not a great orator. He spoke plainly and sometimes repetitively. Yet his voice radiated a steadiness of purpose. His appeal was not intellectual. It was primal. Over the next few minutes, I would discover that he had inspired a movement in Iran, one that passed his tapes through the black market all over the world as if he were a rock star.
I had so many questions about him. I sought out Mani and Farzin, who were talking to each other at the corner of their kitchen.
“Glad you made it, Reza,” Mani said.
Farzin beamed with excitement. “What did you think of Ayatollah Khomeini?”
I shook my head in wonder. “I could not believe what I was hearing. He is a true leader. His message of political freedom and equality is stunning. But where has he been?”
Mani told me that the shah first imprisoned the ayatollah in the early sixties because of his strong criticism of the government before exiling him to Najaf, Iraq. The ayatollah had been calling for the fall of the shah ever
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