Daily Life In The Ottoman Empire

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for
allying themselves with the imperial powers of Europe in order to gain their
independence. Abdülhamid II understood the new mood among his Muslim subjects
and countered European imperial designs by appealing to Pan-Islamism, or the
unity of all Muslims, under his leadership as the caliph, or the religious and
spiritual leader of the Islamic world.
     

    A view of Istanbul between 1880
and 1890.
     
     
    YOUNG TURKS SEIZE POWER
     
    Despite Abdülhamid II’s best efforts to preserve the
territorial integrity of the empire and to modernize the Ottoman society, the
government failed to neutralize the opposition of the young, educated, and
secular minded elements in the society. As early as 1889, small groups of
patriotic students, civil servants, and army officers had organized secret
societies. Princes of the royal family, government officials, teachers,
artists, and army officers educated and trained in modern schools and military
academies, had concluded that the restoration of the 1876 constitution and the
establishment of a new government based on a parliament were the only means
through which the Ottoman Empire could be saved from further disintegration. As
the police began to crack down on the opposition, some chose exile over
imprisonment and settled in European capitals, where they published newspapers
that denounced the autocratic policies of the sultan. Others recruited young
cadets and organized secret cells among army units stationed in the Balkans and
the Middle East. This diverse group of antigovernment Ottoman intellectuals and
activists, who were known in Europe as Jeunes Turcs, or the Young Turks,
organized themselves as the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).
    Revolution came, unexpectedly, from Macedonia in July 1908,
when army officers loyal to CUP revolted and demanded the restoration of the
1876 constitution. After a faint effort to suppress the rebellion, Abdülhamid
II concluded that resistance was futile. On 23 July, he restored constitutional
rule and ordered parliamentary elections throughout the empire. As the news of
the revolution spread, massive celebrations erupted, particularly in Istanbul,
where Turks, Jews, Armenians, and Arabs joined hands and embraced in the streets
of the capital. Among the deputies to the new parliament, which opened on 17
December, there were 142 Turks, 60 Arabs, 25 Albanians, 23 Greeks, 12
Armenians, 5 Jews, 4 Bulgarians, 3 Serbs, and 1 Romanian.
    The Young Turks had convinced themselves that the
restoration of the parliamentary system of government would secure the support
of European powers for the preservation of the territorial integrity of the
Ottoman Empire. They were mistaken. Shortly after the victory of the
revolution, the Austro-Hungarian Empire formally annexed Bosnia-Herzegovina,
while Greece seized the island of Crete, and Bulgaria unified with Eastern
Rumelia, which had remained an autonomous province under the nominal rule of
the Ottoman sultan.
    Meanwhile, an attempted counter coup by supporters of
Abdülhamid II in April 1909 provided an excuse for the two chambers of
parliament to depose the sultan and replace him with his younger brother, who
ascended the throne as Mehmed V (1909–1918). The center of power had shifted
once again, this time from the palace to the army, the bureaucracy, and the
parliament. The central government, however, continued to be plagued by
internal factionalism and growing opposition from both conservative and liberal
groups and parties. The weakness of the government was demonstrated by its
failure to respond effectively to the unrest in Albania, the uprising of Imam
Yahya in Yemen, and the Italian invasion of Tripoli and Benghazi in Libya. The
Italian attack on the Dardanelles and the occupation of the Dodecanese Islands
in May 1912 forced the Ottoman government to accept the loss of Libya and sue
for peace.
    The Italian victory emboldened the neighboring Balkan
states, which had been waiting for an opportunity to

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