successful attempts
to recognize the potential ofbiopolitical production. Precisely by
bringing together coherently the different defining characteristics
ofthe biopolitical context that we have described up to this point,
and leading them back to the ontology ofproduction, we will be
able to identify the new figure of the collective biopolitical body,
which may nonetheless remain as contradictory as it is paradoxical.
This body becomes structure not by negating the originary produc-
tive force that animates it but by recognizing it; it becomes language
(both scientific language and social language) because it is a multi-
tude ofsingular and determinate bodies that seek relation. It is thus
both production and reproduction, structure and superstructure,
because it is life in the fullest sense and politics in the proper sense.
Our analysis has to descend into the jungle ofproductive and
conflictual determinations that the collective biopolitical body offers
us.18 The context ofour analysis thus has to be the very unfolding
oflife itself, the process ofthe constitution ofthe world, ofhistory.
The analysis must be proposed not through ideal forms but within
the dense complex ofexperience.
B I O P O L I T I C A L P R O D U C T I O N
31
Corporations and Communication
In asking ourselves how the political and sovereign elements ofthe
imperial machine come to be constituted, we find that there is no
need to limit our analysis to or even focus it on the established
supranational regulatory institutions. The U.N. organizations, along
with the great multi- and transnational finance and trade agencies
(the IMF, the World Bank, the GATT, and so forth), all become
relevant in the perspective ofthe supranational juridical constitution
only when they are considered within the dynamic ofthe biopoliti-
cal production ofworld order. The function they had in the old
international order, we should emphasize, is not what now gives
legitimacy to these organizations. What legitimates them now is
rather their newly possible function in the symbology of the imperial
order. Outside of the new framework, these institutions are inef-
fectual. At best, the old institutional framework contributes to
the formation and education of the administrative personnel of the
imperial machine, the ‘‘dressage’’ ofa new imperial eĺite.
The huge transnational corporations construct the fundamental
connective fabric of the biopolitical world in certain important
respects. Capital has indeed always been organized with a view
toward the entire global sphere, but only in the second halfofthe
twentieth century did multinational and transnational industrial and
financial corporations really begin to structure global territories
biopolitically. Some claim that these corporations have merely come
to occupy the place that was held by the various national colonialist
and imperialist systems in earlier phases ofcapitalist development,
from nineteenth-century European imperialism to the Fordist phase
ofdevelopment in the twentieth century.19 This is in part true, but
that place itselfhas been substantially transformed by the new reality
ofcapitalism. The activities ofcorporations are no longer defined
by the imposition ofabstract command and the organization of
simple theft and unequal exchange. Rather, they directly structure
and articulate territories and populations. They tend to make nation-
states merely instruments to record the flows ofthe commodities,
monies, and populations that they set in motion. The transnational
corporations directly distribute labor power over various markets,
32
T H E P O L I T I C A L C O N S T I T U T I O N O F T H E P R E S E N T
functionally allocate resources, and organize hierarchically the vari-
ous sectors ofworld production. The complex apparatus that selects
investments and directs financial and monetary maneuvers deter-
mines the new geography ofthe world market, or
Jordan Marie
J'aimee Brooker
Mina Ford
Lisa Yee
James Crumley
Jennifer Ashley
Fenton Johnson
Eliyahu M. Goldratt
Jill Soffalot
M.J. Labeff