sure enough,” Longstreet agreed. “Both the British and French ministers make it abundantly clear that their governments shall not aid us in any prospective struggle against the United States unless we agree in advance to undertake emancipation no later than a year after the end of hostilities. They are acting in conceit on this matter, and appear firmly determined to follow their words with deeds, or rather, with the lack of deeds we should otherwise expect.”
“Let them,” Jackson growled, as angry as if Britain and France were enemies, not the best friends the Confederate States had. “Let them. We’ll whip the Yankees, and after that we’ll do whatever else needs doing, too.”
“I assure you, General, I admire your spirit from the bottom of my heart,” Longstreet said. “If we are assured of success in a conflict against the USA over Chihuahua and Sonora, please tell me so, and tell me plainly.”
Jackson hesitated—and was lost. “In war, Your Excellency, especially war against a larger power, nothing is assured, as I said before. I am confident, however, that God, having given us this land of ours to do with as we will, does not intend to withdraw His gift from our hands.”
“That, I fear, is not enough.” Longstreet let out a long sigh. “You have no conception, General, to what degree slavery has become an albatross round our necks in all our intercourse, diplomaticand commercial, with foreign powers. The explanations, the difficulties, the resentments grow worse year by year. We and the Empire of Brazil are the only remaining slaveholding nations, and even the Brazilians have begun a program of gradual emancipation for the Negroes they hold in servitude.”
“Mr. President, if we are
right
, what foreigners have to say about us matters not at all, and I believe we
are
right,” Jackson said stubbornly. “I believe, as I have always believed, that God Himself ordained our system as the best one practicable for the relationship between the white and Negro races. Changing it now at foreigners’ insistence would be as much a betrayal as changing it at the Black Republicans’ insistence twenty years ago.”
“I understand this perspective, General, and, believe me, I am personally in sympathy with it,” Longstreet said. When a politician, which was what the president of the CSA had long since become, said he was personally in sympathy with something, Jackson had learned, he meant the opposite. And, sure enough, Longstreet went on, “Other considerations, however, compel me to take a broader view of the question.”
“What circumstances could possibly be more important than acting in accordance with God’s will as we understand it?” Jackson demanded.
“Being certain we do understand it,” Longstreet answered. “If we fight the United States alone and are defeated, is it not likely that the victors would seek to impose emancipation and even, to the degree they can effect it, Negro dominance upon us, to weaken us as much as possible?”
Jackson grunted. He had never considered the aftermath of a Confederate defeat. Victory was the only consideration that had ever crossed his mind. Reluctantly, he gave President Longstreet credit for subtlety.
Longstreet said, “Can we successfully fight the United States without their coasts being blockaded, a task far beyond the power of our navy alone? Can we fight them without pressure from Canada to make them divide their forces and efforts instead of concentrating solely against us? If you tell me we are as certain, or even nearly as certain, of success without our friends as with them, defying their wishes makes better sense.”
“I think, as I have said, we can win without them,” Jackson said, but he was too honest not to add, “With them, though, the odds improve.”
“My thought exactly,” Longstreet said, beaming, jollying him toward acquiescence. “And if we emancipate the Negro
de jure
of our own free will, we shall surely be
“Let them,” Jackson growled, as angry as if Britain and France were enemies, not the best friends the Confederate States had. “Let them. We’ll whip the Yankees, and after that we’ll do whatever else needs doing, too.”
“I assure you, General, I admire your spirit from the bottom of my heart,” Longstreet said. “If we are assured of success in a conflict against the USA over Chihuahua and Sonora, please tell me so, and tell me plainly.”
Jackson hesitated—and was lost. “In war, Your Excellency, especially war against a larger power, nothing is assured, as I said before. I am confident, however, that God, having given us this land of ours to do with as we will, does not intend to withdraw His gift from our hands.”
“That, I fear, is not enough.” Longstreet let out a long sigh. “You have no conception, General, to what degree slavery has become an albatross round our necks in all our intercourse, diplomaticand commercial, with foreign powers. The explanations, the difficulties, the resentments grow worse year by year. We and the Empire of Brazil are the only remaining slaveholding nations, and even the Brazilians have begun a program of gradual emancipation for the Negroes they hold in servitude.”
“Mr. President, if we are
right
, what foreigners have to say about us matters not at all, and I believe we
are
right,” Jackson said stubbornly. “I believe, as I have always believed, that God Himself ordained our system as the best one practicable for the relationship between the white and Negro races. Changing it now at foreigners’ insistence would be as much a betrayal as changing it at the Black Republicans’ insistence twenty years ago.”
“I understand this perspective, General, and, believe me, I am personally in sympathy with it,” Longstreet said. When a politician, which was what the president of the CSA had long since become, said he was personally in sympathy with something, Jackson had learned, he meant the opposite. And, sure enough, Longstreet went on, “Other considerations, however, compel me to take a broader view of the question.”
“What circumstances could possibly be more important than acting in accordance with God’s will as we understand it?” Jackson demanded.
“Being certain we do understand it,” Longstreet answered. “If we fight the United States alone and are defeated, is it not likely that the victors would seek to impose emancipation and even, to the degree they can effect it, Negro dominance upon us, to weaken us as much as possible?”
Jackson grunted. He had never considered the aftermath of a Confederate defeat. Victory was the only consideration that had ever crossed his mind. Reluctantly, he gave President Longstreet credit for subtlety.
Longstreet said, “Can we successfully fight the United States without their coasts being blockaded, a task far beyond the power of our navy alone? Can we fight them without pressure from Canada to make them divide their forces and efforts instead of concentrating solely against us? If you tell me we are as certain, or even nearly as certain, of success without our friends as with them, defying their wishes makes better sense.”
“I think, as I have said, we can win without them,” Jackson said, but he was too honest not to add, “With them, though, the odds improve.”
“My thought exactly,” Longstreet said, beaming, jollying him toward acquiescence. “And if we emancipate the Negro
de jure
of our own free will, we shall surely be
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