liberated from the mutual distrust that several anarchic communities had during the Spanish Civil War. See for example the testimonies collected by A. M. Merlo, ‘Gli anarchici e l’esperienza collettivistica durante la guerra civile spagnola’, in
Rivista di storia contemporanea
X (1981), pp. 505–47.
7 Battaglia,
Un uomo
, p. 26.
8 A. Ardigò, ‘L’insorgenza partigiana come forma di partecipazione sociale nella società civile’, in Ardigò, ed.,
Società civile e insorgenza partigiana: indagine sociologica sulla diffusione dell’insorgenza partigiana nella provincia di Bologna
, Bologna: Cappelli, 1979, p. 19.
9 J.-P. Sartre, ‘La République du silence’,
Les Lettres Françaises
, 9 April 1944, p. 1.
10 Bibliothèque nationale,
Catalogue des pèriodiques clandestins (1939–1945)
, Paris, 1954, pp. xiii–xiv. ‘One could almost argue that the difficult conditions equalized opportunities and promoted the most resolute, never was the press freer than when it was banned’.
11 Quoted by M. Rigoni Stern in the introductory note to P. Iuso, ed.,
Soldati italiani dopo il settembre 1943
, Rome: FIAP, 1988, p. vi.
12 Franco Venturi held a seminar around this principle in 1988 at the Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa (see also p. 658, n. 7).
13 On this point see P. Levi’s reflections in
I sommersi e i salvati
, Turin: Einaudi, 1986, pp. 15, 44.
14 See Sartre, ‘La République du silence’. An analogous observation can be found in G. Falaschi,
La Resistenza armata nella narrativa italiana
, Turin: Einaudi, 1976, p. 41. For Sartre, see also the character Mathieu in
La mort dans l’âme
, Paris: Gallimard, 1949.
15 See G. Baget- Bozzo,
Il partito cristiano al potere
, Florence: Vallechi, 1974, p. 52. The author writes that ‘Christian anti-Fascism was a widespread position among Catholics, but was not a position of the Church’. Compare what has been observed about the scant number of Catholics from the Catholic youth formations who joined the Resistance (M. Reineri, ‘Per uno studio comparato del movimento cattolico durante la Resistenza: l’esperienza piemontese’, in
Società rurale e Resistenza nelle Venezie
, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1978, p. 269).
16 And he went on: ‘What will all those who go into hiding do in the approaching season? Will they become bands of thieves and brigands?’ (quoted in G. Bianchi, ‘I cattolici’, in Valiani, Bianchi and Ragionieri,
Azionisti, cattolici e comunisti nella Resistenza
, p. 178).
17 ‘In this common atmosphere there couldn’t help being the inevitable fear that everybody in one way or another must be either accomplices or persecuted’ (Battaglia,
Un uomo
, pp. 48–9).
18 Cited in H. Michel,
The Shadow War
, London: Deutsch, 1972, p. 102.
19 Bruno Kreisky in an interview given to Vanna Vannuccini, ‘Kreisky accusa Waldheim’, in
La Repubblica
, 1 March 1988.
20 Gobetti,
Diario partigiano
, p. 363.
21 Letter of the nineteen-year-old lathe-operator, Vito Salmi, a Garibaldino, shot at Bardi on 4 May 1944 (
LRI
, pp. 197–8).
22 Quoted in S. Flamigni and L. Marzocchi,
Resistenza in Romagna
, Milan: La Pietra, 1969, p. 113.
23 Letter written by Franz Mittendorfer, Communist, 10 November 1942 (
LRE
, p. 23).
24 Rousso,
Vichy
, p. 593.
25 V. Foa, ‘La crisi della Resistenza prima della liberazione’, in
Il Ponte
III: (November–December 1947), 11-12; and
Per una storia del movimento operaio
, pp. 13–24.
26 Jemolo, in a similar spirit to Baget-Bozzzo’s in the page quoted above, criticised the evasive behaviour of all the religions before the terrible problems posed by the war, while the Catholic Church continued, for its part, to concern itself with questions like ‘how many caresses are permissible between fiancés’. A. C. Jemolo, ‘La Tragedia inavvertita’, in
Il Ponte
I (1945); then in
Nuova Antologia
CXX: 2153 (January–March 1985), pp. 7–12.
27 Battaglia,
Un uomo
, p. 20.
28 Preface to the 1946 edition of D. L. Bianco’s book,
Rivista di storia contemporanea
X (1981), pp. 505–47.
7 Battaglia,
Un uomo
, p. 26.
8 A. Ardigò, ‘L’insorgenza partigiana come forma di partecipazione sociale nella società civile’, in Ardigò, ed.,
Società civile e insorgenza partigiana: indagine sociologica sulla diffusione dell’insorgenza partigiana nella provincia di Bologna
, Bologna: Cappelli, 1979, p. 19.
9 J.-P. Sartre, ‘La République du silence’,
Les Lettres Françaises
, 9 April 1944, p. 1.
10 Bibliothèque nationale,
Catalogue des pèriodiques clandestins (1939–1945)
, Paris, 1954, pp. xiii–xiv. ‘One could almost argue that the difficult conditions equalized opportunities and promoted the most resolute, never was the press freer than when it was banned’.
11 Quoted by M. Rigoni Stern in the introductory note to P. Iuso, ed.,
Soldati italiani dopo il settembre 1943
, Rome: FIAP, 1988, p. vi.
12 Franco Venturi held a seminar around this principle in 1988 at the Scuola Normale Superiore of Pisa (see also p. 658, n. 7).
13 On this point see P. Levi’s reflections in
I sommersi e i salvati
, Turin: Einaudi, 1986, pp. 15, 44.
14 See Sartre, ‘La République du silence’. An analogous observation can be found in G. Falaschi,
La Resistenza armata nella narrativa italiana
, Turin: Einaudi, 1976, p. 41. For Sartre, see also the character Mathieu in
La mort dans l’âme
, Paris: Gallimard, 1949.
15 See G. Baget- Bozzo,
Il partito cristiano al potere
, Florence: Vallechi, 1974, p. 52. The author writes that ‘Christian anti-Fascism was a widespread position among Catholics, but was not a position of the Church’. Compare what has been observed about the scant number of Catholics from the Catholic youth formations who joined the Resistance (M. Reineri, ‘Per uno studio comparato del movimento cattolico durante la Resistenza: l’esperienza piemontese’, in
Società rurale e Resistenza nelle Venezie
, Milan: Feltrinelli, 1978, p. 269).
16 And he went on: ‘What will all those who go into hiding do in the approaching season? Will they become bands of thieves and brigands?’ (quoted in G. Bianchi, ‘I cattolici’, in Valiani, Bianchi and Ragionieri,
Azionisti, cattolici e comunisti nella Resistenza
, p. 178).
17 ‘In this common atmosphere there couldn’t help being the inevitable fear that everybody in one way or another must be either accomplices or persecuted’ (Battaglia,
Un uomo
, pp. 48–9).
18 Cited in H. Michel,
The Shadow War
, London: Deutsch, 1972, p. 102.
19 Bruno Kreisky in an interview given to Vanna Vannuccini, ‘Kreisky accusa Waldheim’, in
La Repubblica
, 1 March 1988.
20 Gobetti,
Diario partigiano
, p. 363.
21 Letter of the nineteen-year-old lathe-operator, Vito Salmi, a Garibaldino, shot at Bardi on 4 May 1944 (
LRI
, pp. 197–8).
22 Quoted in S. Flamigni and L. Marzocchi,
Resistenza in Romagna
, Milan: La Pietra, 1969, p. 113.
23 Letter written by Franz Mittendorfer, Communist, 10 November 1942 (
LRE
, p. 23).
24 Rousso,
Vichy
, p. 593.
25 V. Foa, ‘La crisi della Resistenza prima della liberazione’, in
Il Ponte
III: (November–December 1947), 11-12; and
Per una storia del movimento operaio
, pp. 13–24.
26 Jemolo, in a similar spirit to Baget-Bozzzo’s in the page quoted above, criticised the evasive behaviour of all the religions before the terrible problems posed by the war, while the Catholic Church continued, for its part, to concern itself with questions like ‘how many caresses are permissible between fiancés’. A. C. Jemolo, ‘La Tragedia inavvertita’, in
Il Ponte
I (1945); then in
Nuova Antologia
CXX: 2153 (January–March 1985), pp. 7–12.
27 Battaglia,
Un uomo
, p. 20.
28 Preface to the 1946 edition of D. L. Bianco’s book,
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